Este estudo propõe uma hipótese que considera fundamental a atuação linguística conjunta dos cabo-verdianos e dos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos na gênese e no desenvolvimento do papiamentu. A justificativa para a pesquisa reside no fato de que, a despeito de ser um tema discutido na literatura, ainda se trata de um assunto controverso entre os estudiosos, havendo até o momento, pelo menos, quatro hipóteses diferentes. Maduro (1965), Rona (1970) e Munteanu (1996), por exemplo, defendem que o papiamentu seria um crioulo de base espanhola, tendo seus elementos portugueses introduzidos posteriormente pelos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos. Já Lenz (1928) e Martinus (1996) consideram o papiamentu como resultado da relexificação de um crioulo ou protocrioulo afroportuguês falado por escravos trazidos da África. De acordo com Goodman (1996 [1987]) e Smith (1999), por seu turno, o papiamentu seria um crioulo de base portuguesa, surgido a partir de um dialeto judeo-português da comunidade sefardita e seus escravos. Por fim, Jacobs (2012) considera que o papiamentu teria se originado a partir do crioulo falado na ilha de Santiago, no arquipélago de Cabo Verde, sendo mais tarde levado para Curaçao. Analisando as hipóteses, observou-se que duas apresentam argumentos e fatos linguísticos evidenciáveis, a saber, as relações com o kabuverdianu (especialmente, a variedade de Santiago) e a participação dos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos. A fim de decidir a favor de uma das hipóteses, itens lexicais e funcionais das variedades setecentistas e oitocentistas do papiamentu e do kabuverdianu clássicos, bem como do papiamentu sefardita, foram comparados, resultando em convergências nos níveis lexicais e funcionais. De um lado, a grande quantidade de elementos derivados do português no papiamentu clássico seria uma evidência de que esses itens representaram um papel basilar no desenvolvimento da língua, de outro, as convergências lexicais e funcionais uma vez que há uma menor probabilidade de substituição dos itens funcionais (em virtude de sua opacidade semântica) (MATRAS, 2009) não podem ser explicadas por acaso. Já as similaridades com o kabuverdianu clássico confirmariam seu parentesco linguístico. No que diz respeito ao papel da comunidade sefardita e seus escravos, observou-se que a expressão linguística dos judeus também faz parte da estrutura geral do papiamentu clássico, deixando marcas inclusive na variedade moderna. Tendo em vista o material documental dos séculos xviii e xix, escolher uma única hipótese resultaria em um quadro parcial, sendo necessário postular uma convergência de hipóteses, que consiste não somente na reunião de duas hipóteses (a cabo-verdiana e a sefardita), mas na proposta de um novo cenário para se explicar a gênese e o desenvolvimento do papiamentu. Dentro dessa perspectiva, é importante considerar que, em situações de contato, as línguas continuam se influenciando mutuamente ao longo dos tempos (PERINI-SANTOS, 2015), sendo necessária, portanto, uma análise que privilegie a contribuição dos falantes de diferentes línguas em diversas sincronias. Assim, seguindo Faraclas et al. (2014), uma convergência de elementos linguísticos cabo-verdianos e dos sefarditas e seus escravos deve ser considerada nos estudos sobre a formação e desenvolvimento do papiamentu. / This study proposes a hypothesis considering fundamental the joint linguistic agency of Cape Verdeans and Sephardic Jews and their slaves for the genesis and development of Papiamentu. The rationale for the study lies in the fact that, despite being a topic discussed in the literature, it is still a controversial subject among scholars. So far, there are at least four different hypotheses. Maduro (1965), Rona (1970) and Munteanu (1996), for example, argue that Papiamentu is a Spanish-based Creole and that its Portuguese elements were later introduced by Sephardic Jews and their slaves. On the other hand, Lenz (1928) and Martinus (1996) consider Papiamentu a result of a relexification of a Creole or an African-Portuguese Proto-Creole language spoken by the slaves brought from Africa. According to Goodman (1996 [1987]) and Smith (1999), Papiamentu was a Portuguese-based Creole emerged from a Judeo- Portuguese dialect of the Sephardic community and its slaves. Finally, Jacobs (2012) considers that Papiamentu would have originated from the Creole spoken on Santiago island, in the Cape Verde Islands, and was later taken to Curacao. By analyzing the hypotheses, it was observed that two of them have arguments and linguistic facts capable of being evidenced: relations with Cape Verdean Creole (especially the Santiago variety) and the participation of Sephardic Jews and their slaves in it. In order to decide in favor of one of these hypotheses, lexical and functional items of the eighteenth and nineteenth-century varieties of Classic Papiamentu, Classic Cape Verdean Creole and Sephardic Papiamentu were compared, resulting in convergences at the lexical and functional levels. On the one hand, the large number of elements derived from Portuguese in Classic Papiamentu would evidence that these items played a fundamental role in the development of the language. On the other hand, lexical and functional convergence as it is less likely to replace functional items (by virtue of their semantic opacity) (MATRAS, 2009) cannot be explained by mere chance. Similarities with Classic Cape Verdean Creole confirm their linguistic kinship. Regarding the role of the Sephardic community and its slaves, it was observed that the linguistic expression of Jews was also part of the overall structure of Classic Papiamentu, leaving marks even in its modern variety. Given the eighteenth and nineteenth-century documentation, choosing a single hypothesis would result in a partial picture. It is necessary to postulate a convergence of hypotheses, which consists not only in uniting two hypotheses (Cape Verdean and Sephardic), but also in the proposal of a new scenario to explain the genesis and the development of Papiamentu. Within this perspective, it is important to consider that, in contact situations, languages continue to influence each other over time (PERINI-SANTOS, 2015), requiring therefore an analysis that favors agency on the part of speakers of different languages in different synchronies. Thus, following Faraclas et al. (2014), a convergence of linguistic elements of Cape Verdean Creole and of the languages of Sephardic Jews and their slaves must be considered in studies on the formation and development of Papiamentu.

Este estudo propõe uma hipótese que considera fundamental a atuação linguística conjunta dos cabo-verdianos e dos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos na gênese e no desenvolvimento do papiamentu. A justificativa para a pesquisa reside no fato de que, a despeito de ser um tema discutido na literatura, ainda se trata de um assunto controverso entre os estudiosos, havendo até o momento, pelo menos, quatro hipóteses diferentes. Maduro (1965), Rona (1970) e Munteanu (1996), por exemplo, defendem que o papiamentu seria um crioulo de base espanhola, tendo seus elementos portugueses introduzidos posteriormente pelos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos. Já Lenz (1928) e Martinus (1996) consideram o papiamentu como resultado da relexificação de um crioulo ou protocrioulo afroportuguês falado por escravos trazidos da África. De acordo com Goodman (1996 [1987]) e Smith (1999), por seu turno, o papiamentu seria um crioulo de base portuguesa, surgido a partir de um dialeto judeo-português da comunidade sefardita e seus escravos. Por fim, Jacobs (2012) considera que o papiamentu teria se originado a partir do crioulo falado na ilha de Santiago, no arquipélago de Cabo Verde, sendo mais tarde levado para Curaçao. Analisando as hipóteses, observou-se que duas apresentam argumentos e fatos linguísticos evidenciáveis, a saber, as relações com o kabuverdianu (especialmente, a variedade de Santiago) e a participação dos judeus sefarditas e seus escravos. A fim de decidir a favor de uma das hipóteses, itens lexicais e funcionais das variedades setecentistas e oitocentistas do papiamentu e do kabuverdianu clássicos, bem como do papiamentu sefardita, foram comparados, resultando em convergências nos níveis lexicais e funcionais. De um lado, a grande quantidade de elementos derivados do português no papiamentu clássico seria uma evidência de que esses itens representaram um papel basilar no desenvolvimento da língua, de outro, as convergências lexicais e funcionais uma vez que há uma menor probabilidade de substituição dos itens funcionais (em virtude de sua opacidade semântica) (MATRAS, 2009) não podem ser explicadas por acaso. Já as similaridades com o kabuverdianu clássico confirmariam seu parentesco linguístico. No que diz respeito ao papel da comunidade sefardita e seus escravos, observou-se que a expressão linguística dos judeus também faz parte da estrutura geral do papiamentu clássico, deixando marcas inclusive na variedade moderna. Tendo em vista o material documental dos séculos xviii e xix, escolher uma única hipótese resultaria em um quadro parcial, sendo necessário postular uma convergência de hipóteses, que consiste não somente na reunião de duas hipóteses (a cabo-verdiana e a sefardita), mas na proposta de um novo cenário para se explicar a gênese e o desenvolvimento do papiamentu. Dentro dessa perspectiva, é importante considerar que, em situações de contato, as línguas continuam se influenciando mutuamente ao longo dos tempos (PERINI-SANTOS, 2015), sendo necessária, portanto, uma análise que privilegie a contribuição dos falantes de diferentes línguas em diversas sincronias. Assim, seguindo Faraclas et al. (2014), uma convergência de elementos linguísticos cabo-verdianos e dos sefarditas e seus escravos deve ser considerada nos estudos sobre a formação e desenvolvimento do papiamentu. / This study proposes a hypothesis considering fundamental the joint linguistic agency of Cape Verdeans and Sephardic Jews and their slaves for the genesis and development of Papiamentu. The rationale for the study lies in the fact that, despite being a topic discussed in the literature, it is still a controversial subject among scholars. So far, there are at least four different hypotheses. Maduro (1965), Rona (1970) and Munteanu (1996), for example, argue that Papiamentu is a Spanish-based Creole and that its Portuguese elements were later introduced by Sephardic Jews and their slaves. On the other hand, Lenz (1928) and Martinus (1996) consider Papiamentu a result of a relexification of a Creole or an African-Portuguese Proto-Creole language spoken by the slaves brought from Africa. According to Goodman (1996 [1987]) and Smith (1999), Papiamentu was a Portuguese-based Creole emerged from a Judeo- Portuguese dialect of the Sephardic community and its slaves. Finally, Jacobs (2012) considers that Papiamentu would have originated from the Creole spoken on Santiago island, in the Cape Verde Islands, and was later taken to Curacao. By analyzing the hypotheses, it was observed that two of them have arguments and linguistic facts capable of being evidenced: relations with Cape Verdean Creole (especially the Santiago variety) and the participation of Sephardic Jews and their slaves in it. In order to decide in favor of one of these hypotheses, lexical and functional items of the eighteenth and nineteenth-century varieties of Classic Papiamentu, Classic Cape Verdean Creole and Sephardic Papiamentu were compared, resulting in convergences at the lexical and functional levels. On the one hand, the large number of elements derived from Portuguese in Classic Papiamentu would evidence that these items played a fundamental role in the development of the language. On the other hand, lexical and functional convergence as it is less likely to replace functional items (by virtue of their semantic opacity) (MATRAS, 2009) cannot be explained by mere chance. Similarities with Classic Cape Verdean Creole confirm their linguistic kinship. Regarding the role of the Sephardic community and its slaves, it was observed that the linguistic expression of Jews was also part of the overall structure of Classic Papiamentu, leaving marks even in its modern variety. Given the eighteenth and nineteenth-century documentation, choosing a single hypothesis would result in a partial picture. It is necessary to postulate a convergence of hypotheses, which consists not only in uniting two hypotheses (Cape Verdean and Sephardic), but also in the proposal of a new scenario to explain the genesis and the development of Papiamentu. Within this perspective, it is important to consider that, in contact situations, languages continue to influence each other over time (PERINI-SANTOS, 2015), requiring therefore an analysis that favors agency on the part of speakers of different languages in different synchronies. Thus, following Faraclas et al. (2014), a convergence of linguistic elements of Cape Verdean Creole and of the languages of Sephardic Jews and their slaves must be considered in studies on the formation and development of Papiamentu.

This study investigates variable noun phrase number agreement (VNA) in two second language varieties of Portuguese, spoken in Maputo, Mozambique and in Mindelo, Cape Verde. Quantitative VARBRUL analysis is carried out based on recordings made in Maputo and Mindelo 2007 and 2008. Previous quantitative studies on VNA in varieties of Brazilian Portuguese (Guy, 1981; Lopes, 2001; Andrade, 2003) as well as on VNA in first and second language varieties of Portuguese from São Tomé (Baxter, 2004; Figueiredo, 2008, 2010) indicate contact between Portuguese and African languages as the main origin of this phenomenon. VNA in Brazilian Portuguese is, however, interpreted by Scherre (1988) and Naro & Scherre (1993, 2007) as the result of language internal drift. Varieties of Portuguese from Mozambique and Cape Verde are particularly interesting to contrast in order to investigate influences from African languages on VNA, as in Mozambique Bantu languages are first languages of the vast majority of Portuguese speakers, whereas in Cape Verde, practically all Portuguese speakers are first language speakers of Cape Verdean Creole, whose substrates are West African, and not Bantu, languages. Comparison is also made with previous studies from Brazil and São Tomé. The results of this study comment previously postulated explanations for VNA in Portuguese in various ways. The analysis of the variables onset age and age stratum indicates that VNA in the analyzed varieties is a phenomenon linked to the acquisition of Portuguese as a second language and/or language contact rather than the result of internal drift. The fact that all the compared varieties tend to mark plural on pre-head components contradicts Bantu transfer as an explanation for this pattern, and raises the need to also consider more general explanations based on language contact. The basic structural similarity between the compared varieties suggests the existence of a grammatical restructuring continuum.

This study investigates variable noun phrase number agreement (VNA) in two second language varieties of Portuguese, spoken in Maputo, Mozambique and in Mindelo, Cape Verde. Quantitative VARBRUL analysis is carried out based on recordings made in Maputo and Mindelo 2007 and 2008. Previous quantitative studies on VNA in varieties of Brazilian Portuguese (Guy, 1981; Lopes, 2001; Andrade, 2003) as well as on VNA in first and second language varieties of Portuguese from São Tomé (Baxter, 2004; Figueiredo, 2008, 2010) indicate contact between Portuguese and African languages as the main origin of this phenomenon. VNA in Brazilian Portuguese is, however, interpreted by Scherre (1988) and Naro & Scherre (1993, 2007) as the result of language internal drift. Varieties of Portuguese from Mozambique and Cape Verde are particularly interesting to contrast in order to investigate influences from African languages on VNA, as in Mozambique Bantu languages are first languages of the vast majority of Portuguese speakers, whereas in Cape Verde, practically all Portuguese speakers are first language speakers of Cape Verdean Creole, whose substrates are West African, and not Bantu, languages. Comparison is also made with previous studies from Brazil and São Tomé. The results of this study comment previously postulated explanations for VNA in Portuguese in various ways. The analysis of the variables onset age and age stratum indicates that VNA in the analyzed varieties is a phenomenon linked to the acquisition of Portuguese as a second language and/or language contact rather than the result of internal drift. The fact that all the compared varieties tend to mark plural on pre-head components contradicts Bantu transfer as an explanation for this pattern, and raises the need to also consider more general explanations based on language contact. The basic structural similarity between the compared varieties suggests the existence of a grammatical restructuring continuum.