Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-11T11:14:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigocoppecaldeira.pdf: 19118962 bytes, checksum: ffe7c7b16b5c9604d32bf5e024493b72 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-11T15:56:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigocoppecaldeira.pdf: 19118962 bytes, checksum: ffe7c7b16b5c9604d32bf5e024493b72 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-11T15:56:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigocoppecaldeira.pdf: 19118962 bytes, checksum: ffe7c7b16b5c9604d32bf5e024493b72 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-19 / CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A emergência da modernidade trouxe várias questões para a Igreja Católica Romana. Desde seus primeiros movimentos, a instituição eclesiástica foi ameaçada pelas novas forças emergentes, tanto no plano de seu poder temporal, quanto no plano de seu pensamento teológico. No século XIX delinearam-se duas formas de interpretar os “sinais dos tempos”: uma – de tendência liberal – que entendia que a Igreja deveria se “abrir” às novas disposições, e outra – de tendência conservadora – que via com grande desconfiança o mundo novo que se vislumbrava, defendendo fervorosamente a ordem disciplinar e doutrinal. Ambas tiveram também projeção no Brasil, e já entre a primeira e a segunda metade do século XX foi possível notar as divisões crescentes no catolicismo brasileiro. O Concílio Vaticano II pode ser considerado o campo no qual essas duas linhas compreensivas se cruzaram mais claramente e combateram por maior influência nos rumos do cristianismo. O objetivo principal desta tese é o de apresentar as linhas de pensamento que marcam a tendência conservadora, sua organização e principais ações no interior do Concílio. / The rising of modernity brought out several issues for the Roman Catholic Church. Since its first movements, the ecclesiastic institution had been threatened by the emergent forces, both in the ground of its temporal power, and in the ground of its theological thought. In the 19th century, two ways of seeing the “signs of the times” were designed: one – based on a liberal inclination – advocated that the Church should “open” itself for the new disposals; and other – based on a conservative inclination – noticed with suspicion the new rising world, and supported feverously the disciplinal and doctrinal order. Both streams had its projections on Brazil, and throughout the 20th Century it was possible to notice the growing division inside the Brazilian Catholicism. The II Vatican Council could be considered the ground where those two thought streams had encountered each other and had fought for a greater influence on the Christianity future. The main purpose of this thesis is to present the approaches that mark the conservative inclination thought, its organization, and its main actions inside the Council.

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie historique et politique de Martin Heidegger, comparé à d'autres intellectuels européens ; elle traite de l'amour de ce philosophe pour sa Heimat (pays natal) et pour l'Allemagne, articulé avec son appartenance à l'Europe et à l'Histoire de l'Être ; cette identité politique complexe va de pair avec une critique sévère du monde moderne en continuité avec ses origines catholiques conservatrices et avec une conception de la pensée « apolitique » bien qu'engagée, cela bien avant l'avènement du nazisme et le rectorat de Heidegger. De ce fait, cette thèse, qui n'évite pas la question de son engagement nazi, couvre un champ historique bien plus large et tente de mettre en lumière l'arrière-plan complexe et changeant, qui bien avant l'ascension de Hitler, permet de comparer le philosophe avec des intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire en Allemagne (Révolution conservatrice) aussi bien qu'en Europe : après la découverte du Mouvement de jeunesse et l'expérience de la guerre en 1918, Heidegger abandonna son conservatisme catholique et se convertit à l'idée d'une révolution philosophique inspirée par les idéaux de responsabilité et d'authenticité de ce mouvement de réforme de la vie. Durant les années 1920, il conçut la philosophie de plus en plus avec les idées de combat et de racines ; l'importance reconnue à la violence politique, y compris pour un but philosophique, fait clairement de Martin Heidegger un fils de ces sociétés européennes “brutalisées” par la Grande Guerre et le met nettement au milieu de ces intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire. / This Ph.D. dissertation is a historical political biography of Martin Heidegger, compared with other European intellectuals ; it deals with the philosopher's love for his Heimat (homeland) and for Germany, articulated with his belonging to Europe and to the history of being ; this complex political identity goes with a severe criticism of modern world in continuity with his conservative catholic origins, and with an apolitical though engaged conception of thought, that long before the coming of Nazism and Heidegger's rectorate. For that matter, this thesis, which does not avoid the question of his Nazi engagement, has a much larger scope and tries to bring into the light the complex and changing background, that even before Hitler's elevation, allows to compare the philosopher with revolutionary right-wing intellectuals in Germany (Conservative Revolution) as well as in Europe : after the discovery of the German Youth Movement and the experience of war in 1918, Heidegger left his catholic conservatism and converted to an idea of philosophical revolution inspired by the ideals of responsibility and authenticity of this life reform movement. During the 1920's, he conceived philosophy more and more with the ideas of fight and roots ; The importance recognized to fight and violence in politics, even for a philosophical goal, makes clearly Martin Heidegger a son of these “brutalized” European after-war societies and put him in the middle of these revolutionary right-wing intellectuals.