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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina Wilmington, 2009. / Title from PDF title page (January 11, 2010) Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-124)

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

This is a study of nationalism and its visual representation in Taiwan’s architecture. Although nationalism studies have achieved significant theoretic breakthroughs in sociology, politics and history over the past decades, its close relationship with architecture has not received enough attention. In recent related architectural literature, too much emphasis is placed on stylistic analysis concerning ‘national style’, and less on those wider social, cultural and political factors which also play an important role in shaping nationalistic architecture during nation-formation. In order to bridge the gap, this thesis attempts to carry out a cross-disciplinary study, engaging architecture with the notion of nationalism and other relative perspectives in a quest for better understanding. In doing so, Taiwan’s nationalistic architecture is divided into four different building types: the martyrs’ shrine, the museum, the parliament building and the memorial hall. By examining these types and cases, this thesis argues that nationalistic architecture is a particular type of building created by specialised architects who were encouraged to select certain visible and cultural markers, establishing a symbolic link connecting the current nation with its previous ethnic roots in the service of politics during the age of nation-building. As a part of a growing body of research on nationalism and its architectural representations, this thesis aims to advance our understanding of the important issue regarding the relationship between nationalism and architecture in Taiwan, and to contribute to future research on similar topics.

Thesis (DDes) - Faculty of Design, Swinburne University of Technology, 2008. / Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Professional Doctorate in Design, National Institute for Design Research, Faculty of Design, Swinburne University of Technology - 2008. Typescript. Submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Design, Faculty of Design, Swinburne University of Technology, 2008. "June 2008". Bibliography: p. 137-147.

Thesis (M.A.)--Zhongguo wen hua xue yuan. / Reproduced from typescript. Includes bibliographical references (p. 205-224).

Thesis (M.A.)--Zhongguo wen hua xue yuan. / Reproduced from typescript. Bibliography: p. 205-224.

The subject of Canada’s policy-making in relation to the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) has been neglected for over half a century. Therefore neither the scope of Canada’s official assistance to the Chinese during their War of Resistance against Japan nor the motivations behind this assistance have been fully explained or adequately contextualized. Through research using archival records and other primary and secondary sources, the thesis sheds light on the ways in which Canadians chose to respond to Chinese efforts to secure an ally against Japan. Revealing unscrupulous opportunism on the Canadian side during China’s struggle against Japan, the thesis contributes to a revisionist trend which takes aim at romantic mythology about Canadians’ virtuous role in the Second World War. From 1931 to 1941, the Government of Canada sought to maintain a neutral position regarding Japanese encroachments in China. This was partly to honour a friendship established in the First World War but also to protect Canadian exporters’ valuable sales of strategic minerals to Japan. After the attack on Pearl Harbor, pro-Japanese sympathy among Canadians eroded and trade with Japan became politically untenable. In 1942, already five years after the beginning of full-scale war between Japan and China, the Canadian government began preparations to provide material assistance to the beleaguered Chinese. Increasing dialogue between Mackenzie King and Chiang Kai-shek, especially communications through Chiang’s wife Song Meiling, nurtured a promising friendship despite King’s unwillingness to commit “the lives of white men” to war in China and apparently ensured that several shipments of arms and munitions were provided to Chiang’s armies. As the research reveals, the assistance was motivated by hopes of cultivating “goodwill” in China that would favour Canadian businesses after the war. However, the official decision to assist China against Japan sparked a new controversy. Doubts about China’s postwar political stability gave rise to questions about the danger that Canadian munitions would be used in an imminent Chinese civil war. Such warnings, as it turned out, were merited. A bloody conflict between the Communists and Nationalists would erupt in China shortly after the end of the Second World War, in part waged with Canadian weapons. / Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-05-05 15:23:06.094

張羣(1889-1990),是蔣中正幕僚群中的關鍵人物,歷任上海市市長、湖 北省主席、外交部長、四川省主席及行政院長等職。但涉及張羣的相關歷史研究 並不多。 本文聚焦張羣任上海市市長時期(1929 年 4 月至 1932 年 1 月)。對於張羣 的著述、蔣中正相關資料、檔案、當時的報刊等史料,加以分析比對並分類歸納。 通過厘清張羣任上海市市長期間相關行事,筆者認為張羣本欲在市政上有所作為, 也初步解決了市政上面臨的困難。但蔣中正對上海的政治期望並非市政建設,而 是上海的治安問題;當國家有難,蔣中正需要張羣運用他善於遊說地方勢力的縱 橫捭闔的政治手腕為他掃清屏障。張羣被要求頻繁奔波在非市政的領域,最終導 致了他在上海市市長任內的市政建設成果慘澹。 筆者試圖以此為基礎,探討張羣之政治才幹、張羣與蔣中正之關係、市長 張羣和中央執行委員張羣雙重身份下的張力等議題,以期能對理解張羣其人及訓 政初期的國民政府政治生態有所貢獻。 / Chang Chun(1889-1990) was one of the most important lieutenants of Chiang Kai-shek. He followed Chiang’s political path and took the position as Shanghai Mayor, the Chairman of Hupei Province, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Chairman of Sichuan Province and the Premier of the country. Even though he played an important role in modern China, the study of Chang Chun is not sufficient today. This dissertation will focus on Chang’s Shanghai Mayor period (From April 1929 to January 1932). By collecting Chang’s works, the archive of Chiang Kai-shek and newspapers at that time, a most comprehensive viewing of what Chang did in and outside his mayor duty could be made. This dissertation makes clear that Chang wanted to do something on municipal administration on his position as Shanghai Mayor, and he preliminarily succeed to conquer the problems met. However, Chiang paid more attention on public order than municipal construction, which Chang focused on, in Shanghai. When the nation were in trouble,Chiang needed Chang to use his powerful social ability on lobbying the local power. As Chang was always forced to do some tasks outside Shanghai, his municipal construction was always not on the plan. On the basis of these arguments, I want to discuss Chang’s intelligence in politics, the relationship of Chang and Chiang and the roles of Chang as mayor and central executive committee at the same time, in order to learn more about Chang Chun, as well as the political circumstance of early national government.

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