This paper suggests that a critical mass of elements is forming in China which, if not better controlled, will lead to some form of political regime change. The paper will (a) elaborate on China's major problems, grouped into "backbone changes" and "catalysts," (b) provide a balance sheet of remedies the government has attempted or proposed to date, and (c) examine the remedies' relative success or failure. Among the "backbone changes": decentralization, corruption, the emergence of interest groups, the government's possible loss of legitimacy, people's increased exposure to procedural democracy, the increase in the number of students receiving a foreign education, the privatization of education and divisions within the Chinese Communist Party. The "catalysts" include: massive urban and rural unemployment, corruption, forced displacement and the gentrification of China's cities.

No description available.

Political scientists generally recognize two explanations of the extensive peasant support which the Chinese Communist Party acquired in North China during the so-called "Yenan Period" of 1937-1945. One theory posits that the North Chinese peasants gave their allegiance and support to the Chinese Communists at this time because the Communists were the only force resisting the Japanese invasion and occupation of North China; the second theory claims that the peasants supported the Communists because Communist agrarian reforms at this time liberated the peasants from centuries of poverty and class exploitation. Unfortunately, the sharp debate which has taken place between the adherents of these two theories has tended to obscure the search for additional explanations of Communist growth during the Yenan Period. Reliable Communist sources and economic surveys indicate that in two key Communist base areas, the "peasant nationalism" and "agrarian revolution" theories do not explain pre-1940 Communist growth as well as they explain post-1940 Communist growth — additional research on the growth of Communist political authority prior to 1940 is needed. This thesis contends that a comparison of the public behaviour of the Communist armies with that of the warlord armies which preceded them in North China helps explain why Communist rule was accepted by so many peasants during the years 1937-1940. Rape, looting, terror, and crushing military taxes were common fare for the millions of North Chinese peasants who lived under warlord rule from the death of Yuan Shih-k'ai in 1916 until the Japanese invasion in 1937, In contrast, the Communist armies were indoctrinated against molestation of the peasantry, and made every effort to help the peasants economically rather than burden them. The peasants were favorably impressed by the virtuous behaviour of the Communist soldiers, and gave their backing to the political movement these soldiers represented. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The study is an examination of struggles over socialist construction in China between the Tenth National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1973 and the arrests of the so-called "gang of four" in 1976. It analyzes the content of debates, the context in which they occurred and policies implemented during the period. The study is based upon materials collected while living in China, observations during participation in various political movements of the period, and on materials from the Chinese print and broadcast media. The dissertation analyzes struggles over industrial development and organization, science and technology policy, rural development, and the role of the education system in socialist society. Issues debated included worker participation in management, cadre participation in labor, labor remuneration policies, the role of scientists and technicians in the production process, the importation of advanced technology, the relationship between scientific theory and Marxism-Leninism, structural and ideological changes in the modernization of agriculture, access to higher education and the role of intellectuals in socialist society. These debates are analyzed from the perspective of Marxian theory. From this analysis the study concludes that in spite of the formal appearance of a debate, genuine and open discussion of policy alternatives and concrete results did not in fact occur. There were a number of conceptions, widely held in China during the mid-seventies, which it is argued were a central factor in thwarting the emergence of real debate. These include the concept of the role of the Communist Party as the "core of leadership" in all spheres of social life, the notion of the "continuation of class struggle" in socialist society, misinterpretation of the relationship between the forces and relations of production in the process of development, misunderstanding of the means by which the division of labor can be transcended and misunderstanding of the nature of Chinese society. The study challenges these conceptions from the point of view of Marxian theory and traces the role they played in the distortion of the debates and the suppression of alternative viewpoints. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

黃槐. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1997. / 參考文獻: leaves 172-182. / Huang Huai. / 鳴謝 / 縮略詞表 / 論文撮要 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter (一) --- 緒言 --- p.1 / Chapter (二) --- 文獻調查 --- p.5 / Chapter 甲、 --- 代的分析 --- p.5 / Chapter 乙、 --- 學習理論 --- p.7 / Chapter 丙、 --- 隨從性和“改革派一保守派´ح 二元化分析 --- p.8 / Chapter 丁、 --- 市民社會 --- p.12 / Chapter 戊、 --- 制度的雙棲性 --- p.13 / Chapter (三) --- 分析架構 --- p.15 / Chapter 甲、 --- “領導權危機´ح的槪念 --- p.15 / Chapter 乙、 --- 中國的“領導權´ح和“領導權危機´ح的槪念 --- p.21 / Chapter 丙、 --- 中國“領導權危機´ح的不同發展階段及其原因 --- p.24 / Chapter 丁、 --- 中國“領導權危機´ح不同發展階段的原因 --- p.29 / Chapter (四) --- 硏究方法 --- p.32 / Chapter 甲、 --- 黨高層領導人 --- p.32 / Chapter 乙、 --- 知識份子 --- p.36 / 注釋 --- p.40 / Chapter 第二章 --- “領導權危機´ح的萌芽期一白樺與《苦戀》 --- p.41 / Chapter (一) --- 白樺的政治角色 --- p.41 / Chapter 甲、 --- 文革前及文革期間的白樺一隨從者的角色 --- p.42 / Chapter 乙、 --- 文革後的白樺´ؤ走上批判者的道路 --- p.44 / Chapter (二) --- 《苦戀》風波 --- p.48 / Chapter 甲、 --- 《苦戀》的創作與攝制 --- p.48 / Chapter 乙、 --- 《苦戀》風波背景´ؤ軍方擁毛派向鄧胡挑戰 --- p.49 / Chapter 丙、 --- 黨高層領導人對白樺和《苦戀》的不同態度 --- p.51 / Chapter 丁、 --- “領導權危機´ح的出現 --- p.52 / Chapter (三) --- 批判白樺及《苦戀》運動一 “領導權危機´ح暫時得到控制 --- p.58 / Chapter 甲、 --- 運動的開端 --- p.58 / Chapter 乙、 --- 運動的進展 --- p.61 / Chapter 丙、 --- 《苦戀》風波的結束 --- p.64 / Chapter (四) --- 運動停止後的白樺 --- p.65 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.68 / 注釋 --- p.71 / 注釋 --- p.71 / Chapter 第三章 --- “領導權危機´ح的發展期一王若水與人道主義 --- p.74 / Chapter (一) --- 王若水的政治角色 --- p.74 / Chapter 甲、 --- 文革前及文革期間的王若水一隨從者的角色 --- p.74 / Chapter 乙、 --- 文革後的王若水一走上批判者的道路 --- p.78 / Chapter (二) --- 淸除精神污染運動 --- p.80 / Chapter 甲、 --- 淸除精神污染運動背景 --- p.81 / Chapter 乙、 --- 淸除精神污染運動的開端 --- p.86 / Chapter 丙、 --- 淸除精神污染運動的進展 --- p.88 / Chapter 丁、 --- “領導權危機´ح的發展期 --- p.89 / Chapter 戊、 --- “領導權危機´ح的暫時控制 --- p.91 / Chapter 己、 --- 縮小淸除精神污染範圍 --- p.92 / Chapter (三) --- 淸污後的王若水及人道主義思潮 --- p.97 / Chapter 甲、 --- 淸污後的王若水 --- p.97 / Chapter 乙、 --- 知識份子對淸污態度 --- p.99 / Chapter 丙、 --- 解凍後的人道主義思潮 --- p.99 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.100 / 註釋 --- p.104 / Chapter 第四章 --- “領導權危機´ح的嚴重期一劉賓雁個案 --- p.106 / Chapter (一) --- 劉賓雁的政治角色 --- p.106 / Chapter 甲、 --- 文革前及文革期間的劉賓雁一隨從者的角色 --- p.107 / Chapter 乙、 --- 文革後劉賓雁一隨從者的角色 --- p.109 / Chapter (二) --- 反資產階級自由化鬥爭 --- p.117 / Chapter 甲、 --- 運動的進行 --- p.118 / Chapter 乙、 --- 縮小運動打擊面 --- p.123 / Chapter 丙、 --- 運動的停止 --- p.127 / Chapter 丁、 --- “領導權危機´ح的嚴重期 --- p.130 / Chapter (三) --- 運動後劉賓雁的情況 --- p.132 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.133 / 注釋 --- p.136 / Chapter 第五章 --- “領導權危機´ح的爆發期一蘇曉康及《河殤》 --- p.139 / Chapter (一) --- 蘇曉康的政治角色 --- p.139 / Chapter 甲、 --- “失落的一代´ح 一蘇曉康 --- p.139 / Chapter 乙、 --- 批判者的角色 --- p.141 / Chapter (二) --- 《河殤》現象-“領導權危機´ح --- p.143 / Chapter 甲、 --- 《河殤》的制作過程 --- p.143 / Chapter 乙、 --- 《河殤》的首播 --- p.145 / Chapter 丙、 --- 《河殤》的重播 --- p.147 / Chapter (三) --- 六、四後對《河殤》的大批判 --- p.153 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.151 / 注釋 --- p.158 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.159 / Chapter (一) --- 知識份子與黨領導的關係 --- p.159 / Chapter 甲、 --- 領導者一隨從者理論 --- p.159 / Chapter 乙、 --- 市民社會 --- p.160 / Chapter 丙、 --- 制度的雙棲性 --- p.160 / Chapter 丁、 --- “領導權危機´ح及其原因 --- p.160 / Chapter 戊、 --- “領導權危機´ح從萌芽期發展到爆發期的原因 --- p.165 / Chapter (二) --- 六´Ø四後“領導權危機´ح的化解方法 --- p.168 / Chapter 甲、 --- 改組黨機構 --- p.169 / Chapter 乙、 --- 懲罰異議知識份子 --- p.169 / Chapter 丙、 --- 大力發展市場經濟，淡化意識形態 --- p.170 / Chapter (三) --- 硏究方向 --- p.170 / 參考書目 --- p.172 / 中文參考書目 --- p.172 / 英文參考書目 --- p.179 / 訪問記錄 --- p.183

This study is on K'ou Chun, the early Northern Sung statesman who made his name in Chinese history by the conclusion of the Treaty of Shan-yuan in 1005 with the Northern Empire of the Liao, which brought about the peace between the two countries for more than a century. Apart from discussing K'ou Chun's role in the 1004 crisis, this study attempts to view Sung bureaucratic factionalism from a new perspective through examining the activities of K'ou Chun and his t'ung-nien, candidates who obtained their chin-shih degrees in the same year. It is found that the chin-shih of the 980 examination including K'ou Chun and Wang Tan (957-1017) gradually built up a powerful faction through their t'ung-nien relationship. This faction dominated the Sung court for more than thirty years since the middle of Emperor T'ai-tsung's reign (r. 976-997). Their chief rival factions, interestingly, also came from two other t'ung-nien groups headed by Chang Ch'i-hsien (943-1014) and Wang Chin-jo (962-1025), respectively. Historically, bureaucratic factionalism always intertwined with court politics. It was no exception for early Northern Sung. Since K'ou Chun and his faction were deeply involved in the succession questions of Emperor T'ai-tsung and Chen-tsung (r. 997-1022), this study also focuses on the power struggle that took place in the inner court. K'ou Chun ultimately lost in the power struggle and died in banishment. However, his faction still managed to keep its influence during Empress Dowager Liu's (r. 1023-1033) regency when its junior members, headed by Wang Tseng (978-1038) and Lu I-chien (978-1043) gradually came to power. K'ou Chun and his faction were traditionally praised as "gentlemen", while their rivals were mostly condemned as "petty men". Such a view will be examined through the study of their behaviors. And K'ou's historical image will be explored through different perspectives as well.

Political scientists generally believe that the foreign and domestic conflict behavior of nations are related to the extent that nations experiencing internal difficulties will seek foreign policies of conflict in order to divert the people's attention from serious internal problems. Recent empirical studies, however, have cast some doubt on this generalized relationship. Generally, China scholars agree that increases in the levels of internal conflict has historically led the Chinese to seek foreign policies of conflict. This generalization provides both hypotheses for this study: (1) increases in levels of internal conflict are related to increases in levels of external conflict, and (2) if the two domains are related causally as suggested by the China scholars, then increases in internal conflict should be related to increases in external conflict at points later in time. Data were collected on nine measures of domestic conflict and 12 measures of foreign conflict. The data were collected over a 21 year period, 19S>0-1970, exclusively from the New York Times Index. The results were mixed. The principal finding in the correlations of the raw data and the transformed raw data was that foreign and domestic conflict were not related generally. However, analysis of the annual weighted transformed data did produce a significant relationship between foreign and domestic conflict of .52. Pour additional cross-checks were performed. First, treating the data quarterly, rather than annually, confirmed the finding at .40. Second, using the Spearman rank correlation test (rather than the Pearson product moment) lowered the correlation to .33 "for the annual data and .28 for the quarterly data, but still both correlations were moderately significant (the annual correlation was significant at the .14 level while the quarterly correlation was significant at the .01 level). The remaining two checks (a scattergram for checking linearity and outliers, and the analysis of smaller time-units in order to check for the stability of the relationship over time) produced results suggesting that the initial conclusion of a high relationship be modified to a moderately significant relationship. Thus, the principal finding of this study was that a moderate relationship exists between foreign and domestic conflict behavior in Communist China. Finally, temporal relationships did confirm the China scholar's notion that one conflict domain in China is temporally related to the other, but the relationship was contrary to what was expected: domestic conflict consistently emerged as the dependent variable, appearing to increase and decrease after increases and decreases in foreign conflict. Whether or not the two dimensions of internal and external conflict are related to the degree to which the China scholars believe is a question not totally confirmed nor refuted significantly by this study. The principal finding of a moderate relationship, however, does lend some support to the historical generalizations relating foreign and domestic conflict behavior in Communist China.

This study deals with the legal system of Communist China from 1949 to 1969 with three purposes: to discuss the role of law in Communist China's political development; to discuss the patterns of Communist China's political development as reflected in the patterns of her legal development; and to discuss some aspects of development theories on the basis of the findings of this study.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration