Research report submitted towards the award of Master of Arts Department of International Relations University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017 / This dissertation investigates FOCAC and TICAD contributions towards development on the African continent. The research explains the architecture of the latter conference diplomacy institutions. Japan and China are argued to be competing through evidence from the different fields that give foreign assistance to. Jospeh Nye’s soft power as theoretical framework will guide the research’s understanding of Chinese and Japanese engagements in African development. The research found that FOCAC outweighed TICAD in financial contributions however TICAD through JICA had more grassroots level contributions. China was seen to be focused on bilateral relations aimed at supporting state-led companies in big infrastructure development. Japan is argued to be more engaging with external actors while supporting African development and in addition, showed more support for the African Union’s policies. China has ‘win-win’ and Japan has ‘partnership’ both in line with African Pan -African ideals. Africans are lacking policy and guidelines in dealing with foreign partners and argued to organise themselves and respond to Japanese and Chinese interests collectively. Agenda 2063 that mentions external partners as a source of funding for development is not enough to use a policy. African development policies are seen to have failed previously due to unfulfilled promises from external partners. The research argues that African people should take FOCAC and TICAD as learning spaces and take a leadership role in their own development. / XL2018

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

This dissertation investigates Taiwan's role in the twists and turns in its relationship with China from 1987 to 2004. It employs the methods of both case studies and the VAR (vector autoregression) time-series analysis to assess the impact of the following four factors on Taiwan's actions toward China: (1) the democratic transition in Taiwan, (2) Taiwan's electoral politics, (3) cross-Strait economic exchanges, and (4) U.S. Taiwan Policy. The research conclusions are as follows. First, President Lee Teng-hui's rational calculation in the late 1980s guided him to launch domestic political reforms while continuing former President Chiang Chingkuo's liberalization of Taiwan's China policy. Consequently, Taiwan's democratic transition was accompanied by the appearance of a peaceful policy toward China. Second, in order to win votes from the electorate, which increasingly embraced a Taiwanese identity after the mid-1990s, Taiwanese politicians tended to launch aggressive electoral campaigns against China. Accordingly, domestic elections turned out to be a conducive factor for Taiwan's conflictual actions toward China. Third, politicians' electoral consideration also overrode Taiwanese businessmen's preference for crossStrait stability. As a result, cross-Strait economic interdependence was unable to restrain Taiwan from taking aggressive policies toward China. Fourth, because Taiwanese politicians tended not to give in to U.S. pressures during Taiwan's elections, the U.S. could not successfully stop Taiwan's provocative actions toward China as elections neared in Taiwan. It was only when Taiwanese leaders sought to strengthen U.S.-Taiwan relations after election seasons ended that the U.S. could induce Taiwan to act cooperatively toward China. / text

Over the past decade, road construction has come to represent Chinese engagement with Ethiopia. This study considers the lives of Chinese workers at the lower end of one such project in Tigray, northern Ethiopia. By examining the ways in which Chinese road workers tried to make sense of daily life on the construction site, I reveal the inherent contradictions of a state rhetoric that promoted 'win-win cooperation' ('huying huli hezuo') and 'friendly collaboration' ('youhao hezuo') between China and Africa, and demonstrate the local manifestations of the much-debated 'China Model'. Initial expectations coloured by state narratives, as well as the migrants' own experiences with domestic development, stood in sharp contrast to realities on the ground. Convinced of the goodwill nature of their activities, Chinese workers were puzzled by and resentful of the apparent ingratitude of local Ethiopians, their lack of cooperation, and, worse, repeated attempts to sabotage the construction work. Chinese workers' struggles with development in Africa, I argue, should be understood in relation to their background as upwardly mobile rural migrants at the bottom of the corporate hierarchy, successors of engineers dispatched under Mao Zedong who had enjoyed a respectable reputation at home - a reputation current workers felt they were about to lose - and as citizens aware of their country's status in the world as superior to Africa and inferior to the West. The workers sought to live up to Chinese ideals of development by demonstrating and promoting the virtues of self-development, simultaneous development, and entrepreneurialism. Ethiopians, however, did not concede to these ideas, and their lack of cooperation stirred resentment and expressions of self-pity on the part of the Chinese, who blamed the Ethiopian labourers, their suzhi (human quality), and wenhua (culture) for the limited success of the projects. What Chinese workers failed to realise was that the attitude of Ethiopians was in fact a response to asymmetrical and contested power relations that did not allow for win-win cooperation and friendly collaboration.

China’s economy has been experiencing high growth since 1979. The growth of China’s economy is attributed to the growth in its international trade. China’s economic growth affects trade growth of other nations because of the combination of its huge size, rapid growth and openness. This study investigates the direct effect of China’s growth on its imports from South Africa. / Economics / M. Com. (Economics)

China’s economic expansion in recent years is one of the most important geopolitical developments of the 21st century (Mockli, 2007). More interestingly, Africa relations with China continue to be of keen concern to many, precisely because these two countries have been humiliated severely during the years of colonialism. This study examines, to the extent possible, Chinese changing foreign policy and resource diplomacy towards Africa, using Nigeria as a case study specifically looking at socio–economic issues. The study uses the Hegemonic Stability Theory as a framework of analysis. While the method of data collection is premised on existing qualitative and quantitative analysis on Africa–China relations, faceto- face interviews and one telephonic interview with an expert on Africa–China relations were conducted as a method of gathering new data. The present study, finds that China’s economic expansion can be detrimental to Africa in many ways. For instance, China continues to export to Africa cheap manufactured goods, while extracting raw materials to fuel its own industrialization. This situation works against intra–Africa trade, which could potentially address the socio–economic issues facing the continent. However, to maintain its resource supply and stable market, China’s foreign policy of ‘non–interference’ has changed significantly, particularly towards Africa. For example, China recently opened its first military base in Africa. This study argues that, because of the above mentioned arguments, the repercussions of the Africa–China relations could be dangerous for Africa since the continent is not really benefiting from these dealings. Furthermore, this study notes that China is contributing negatively towards the socio–economic development of Nigeria, despite the fact that it provides Nigeria with aid and loans, primarily for infrastructure projects. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)