Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 336-368).

According to the IMF, China is today the second world economic power with respect to nominal GDP, an increase from 6th place in the year 2000. Though its GDP surpassed that of the US in 2015 with respect to PPP. On the other side, China is the largest manufacturer and exporter of goods and the second-largest importer of goods worldwide. Since becoming a member of the WTO, China became the largest trading country in the world and has an important role in international trade. It has trade agreements with some countries and continents like Australia, Pakistan and Africa. This thesis looks deeply into China’s economic relations and trade with African countries after 2000. It focuses on China’s interest in African resource-rich countries, while China’s industrialization is increasing rapidly. It also discusses how both China and African countries benefit from this trade. As China’s exports are increasing, this thesis will highlight how China’s low-cost goods are affecting the often-poor African consumers.

This study examines the employment of non-citizens within the framework of appropriate regulatory statues and constitutional dispensations, as contained in the domestic legislation of the individual countries, Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Lesotho as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Focusing on labour law development regarding the legislative position of the employment of non-citizens, such as; immigration requirements, basic minimum employment conditions and protection of employment rights have consequently been part of Africa-China economic relations with SADC host countries. The People's Republic of China (PRC), or China, assistance and its Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) impacts SADC globalised market economies. China State and Chinese companies, increasing engagements in Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa and to a lesser extent in Lesotho, through extended foreign diplomatic and bilateral trade relationships, are characterised by dominant employment of Chinese non-citizens within these host countries. Botswana and the other host countries’ labour market regulative legislation, faces the challenge of developing labour law regulating the protection of decent work, within the international ILO framework for fair and stable globalisation. Assessment of the current labour laws, and economic influences of the individual countries, would bridge the legal cultural gap and enhance sustainable economic growth. Valuable lessons learned from within the region have the potential of ensuring a more mutually beneficial outcome to the "win-win" scenario, from an African perspective, regarding China-Africa relationships. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

This study examines the employment of non-citizens within the framework of appropriate regulatory statues and constitutional dispensations, as contained in the domestic legislation of the individual countries, Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Lesotho as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Focusing on labour law development regarding the legislative position of the employment of non-citizens, such as; immigration requirements, basic minimum employment conditions and protection of employment rights have consequently been part of Africa-China economic relations with SADC host countries. The People's Republic of China (PRC), or China, assistance and its Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) impacts SADC globalised market economies. China State and Chinese companies, increasing engagements in Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa and to a lesser extent in Lesotho, through extended foreign diplomatic and bilateral trade relationships, are characterised by dominant employment of Chinese non-citizens within these host countries. Botswana and the other host countries’ labour market regulative legislation, faces the challenge of developing labour law regulating the protection of decent work, within the international ILO framework for fair and stable globalisation. Assessment of the current labour laws, and economic influences of the individual countries, would bridge the legal cultural gap and enhance sustainable economic growth. Valuable lessons learned from within the region have the potential of ensuring a more mutually beneficial outcome to the "win-win" scenario, from an African perspective, regarding China-Africa relationships. / LLM, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The partnership between China and Africa at the Cold War era was built on ¡¥¡¦Non-Aligned Movement¡¦¡¦. 1978 China launched economic reform and devoted to national economic development. Until China was being isolated in the international society because of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, China turned diplomatic dipolicy to Africa. Besides, with rapid economic development, China¡¦s energy demand keeps increasing. Therefore, China¡¦s interest in Africa has changed. In addition to search supports from developing countries in the international society, China¡¦s economic and energy interest is getting more and more important in Africa. This research will analyse China¡¦s national interest and strategy in African Policy. China self indentifys as a big developing country and emphasizes the equal status with African countries. Hence, China establishes ¡¥¡¥Forum on China¡VAfrica Cooperation¡¦¡¦ in 2000 and ¡¥¡¦New China-Africa strategic Partnership¡¦¡¦ in 2006 in order to incite China and Africa relationship by regular summit. Furthermore, China tries to strengthen bilateral economics and trade cooperations, to continue working on the ¡§South-South Cooperation¡¨ under multilateral diplomacy with African countries, and to reinforce soft power in Africa by ¡§Cutural Diplomacy¡¨. So that, China-Africa relationship could be profound and enduring.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第19838号 / 地博第194号 / 新制||地||69(附属図書館) / 32874 / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科アフリカ地域研究専攻 / (主査)准教授 高田 明, 教授 太田 至, 准教授 平野(野元) 美佐, 准教授 小川 さやか / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.

L’intérêt principal de l’analyse du cadre des investissements miniers et pétroliers chinois en Afrique est la détermination du chantier juridique résultant de la cohabitation de deux cultures juridiques en vue de l’émergence d’une lex mercatoria dans les investissements sino-africains. Elle comprend deux parties principales. D’abord, l’étude se penche sur l’origine des fonds chinois investis sur le continent africain qui sont les fonds souverains. La problématique des fonds souverains est celle de savoir s’il s’agit d’instruments politiques ou financiers. Néanmoins, cette inquiétude ne freine pas la force opérationnelle grandissante des fonds souverains chinois sur le continent africain. Rentrant dans l’encadrement et le contenu du contrat proprement dit, l’analyse des figures contractuelles usitées dans l’industrie pétrolière et minière sino-africaine séparément dans les contextes chinois et africains révèle l’inadéquation des contrats et de la législation africaine aux besoins économiques et technologiques du continent. En outre, l’examen particulier des clauses de choix de la loi applicable et de règlement des différends dans les contextes chinois et africain permet de soulever quelques options possibles pour le contexte sino-africain. Ensuite, l’analyse se penche sur les mécanismes mis en place pour favoriser les investissements chinois miniers et pétroliers sur le continent africain avant de relever les conséquences dans les domaines sociaux et environnementaux desdits investissements. Il ressort donc que des avantages fiscaux et douaniers sont mis en place en faveur des investissements chinois en Afrique ainsi que des traités bilatéraux signés entre la Chine et de nombreux pays africains. Cependant, sur le plan social, l’on s’interroge sur la place accordée à la lutte contre la corruption et la promotion de la transparence dans l’industrie extractive africaine avec ses relations avec la Chine. L’on constate également que l’absence de transfert de technologie influe négativement sur le développement économique et technologique, la concurrence et l’emploi local du pays hôte. De même, la protection de l’environnement dans le contexte sino-africain semble être reléguée au dernier plan. L’environnement africain court donc le risque de connaître une crise comme celle de la chine causée par l’industrialisation du pays. La société civile nous apparaît donc au regard de ces effets peu glorieux des investissements chinois en Afrique dans les domaines miniers et pétroliers comme une troisième partie de cette relation qui devra être la médiatrice ou régulatrice entre les deux autres. / The main objective of this analysis is to determine the juridical patterns of the Chinese and African legal cultures cohabitations, in order to pursue a Chinese-African lex mercatoria. The survey of Chinese mines and oil investments in Africa will be done in two principal parts. First, the study goes over the origin of the Chinese funds invested in Africa. Sovereign wealth funds in general causes questioning concerning their real purpose: are they financial or political instruments? Nevertheless, it is still obvious that this questioning does not stop Chinese sovereign wealth funds to continue to expand all over Africa. Also, going into the contracts and the legislation itself, the analysis of the contractual figures used in the mining and oil extractive industry individually in the Chinese and African context reveals the African contracts and legislation is not adequate to the continent’s economical and technological needs. Continuing into the particular analysis of the applicable law and the arbitration clauses in the Chinese and African context individually, it was possible to outpoint some options to the Chinese-African context. Secondly, the survey points out the mechanisms enabling Chinese investment into Africa and the consequences of these investments in the economical, social and environmental context. It was then pointed out that fiscal and customs mechanisms and also bilateral investment treaties signed in between China and numerous African countries favors Chinese investments in Africa. Still, the main social impact reveals some interrogations concerning the fight against corruption and promotion of transparency in Africa. Is the Chinese partnership considerate of this aspect? Moreover, the lack of technology transfer gets to negatively influence local competition and employment as well as economical and technological development. Also, environmental protection in the Chinese-African context seems to me sent far behind. Therefore, the African environment risks to face an environmental crisis just like China did because of the country’s industrialization. Civil society here, considering these less attractive impacts of Chinese investment in oil and mining sectors in Africa, appears to be a very useful third party with the role of mediation and regulation between the two others.

¡@With the change of economic globalization, the national security is no longer just the traditional nation defense or military security. Economic, political, diplomatic, technological, cultural, environmental and other fields related to national development are gradually considered into the scope of national security. Among, Economic security is the core of national security now. The protection of economic security concern about nation development, such as nation defense, diplomacy, and the standard of people¡¦s living. Not only every department in nation is interdependent with each other, but also any economy can't live alone. Economic development has closely relationship with the use of energy. No matter developed countries or developing countries, their reliance various energy are increasing (especially oil); however, because of the limited resource endowment, the energy competition is one of leading to the tense international relations. ¡@The distribution of oil is uneven. Middle East has more than half of the crude oil reserve, and the top ten largest oil reserve countries hold the 80% of the world¡¦s total reserve. But, the most two oil consumption region, North America and Asia Pacific, only own 8.7% oil reserve. United States and China are the largest oil consumption countries, while United States oil dependency is above 60%, and almost 60% of China¡¦s oil demand need to import from other countries. In order to sustain economic development (need enough oil energy), the imbalance of demand and supply let China and other oil-consuming countries have to negotiate with the oil-producing region - Middle East, Central and South America, and Africa. Africa is one of China¡¦s oil import region. China strengthen Sino-Africa relation through leader conference, high-level visits, Forum on China - Africa Cooperation, China¡¦s oil company¡¦s energy investment in Africa, economic aid, infrastructure and other diplomatic measures. The comprehensive cooperation contributes China to get Africa's oil resources.

L’intérêt principal de l’analyse du cadre des investissements miniers et pétroliers chinois en Afrique est la détermination du chantier juridique résultant de la cohabitation de deux cultures juridiques en vue de l’émergence d’une lex mercatoria dans les investissements sino-africains. Elle comprend deux parties principales. D’abord, l’étude se penche sur l’origine des fonds chinois investis sur le continent africain qui sont les fonds souverains. La problématique des fonds souverains est celle de savoir s’il s’agit d’instruments politiques ou financiers. Néanmoins, cette inquiétude ne freine pas la force opérationnelle grandissante des fonds souverains chinois sur le continent africain. Rentrant dans l’encadrement et le contenu du contrat proprement dit, l’analyse des figures contractuelles usitées dans l’industrie pétrolière et minière sino-africaine séparément dans les contextes chinois et africains révèle l’inadéquation des contrats et de la législation africaine aux besoins économiques et technologiques du continent. En outre, l’examen particulier des clauses de choix de la loi applicable et de règlement des différends dans les contextes chinois et africain permet de soulever quelques options possibles pour le contexte sino-africain. Ensuite, l’analyse se penche sur les mécanismes mis en place pour favoriser les investissements chinois miniers et pétroliers sur le continent africain avant de relever les conséquences dans les domaines sociaux et environnementaux desdits investissements. Il ressort donc que des avantages fiscaux et douaniers sont mis en place en faveur des investissements chinois en Afrique ainsi que des traités bilatéraux signés entre la Chine et de nombreux pays africains. Cependant, sur le plan social, l’on s’interroge sur la place accordée à la lutte contre la corruption et la promotion de la transparence dans l’industrie extractive africaine avec ses relations avec la Chine. L’on constate également que l’absence de transfert de technologie influe négativement sur le développement économique et technologique, la concurrence et l’emploi local du pays hôte. De même, la protection de l’environnement dans le contexte sino-africain semble être reléguée au dernier plan. L’environnement africain court donc le risque de connaître une crise comme celle de la chine causée par l’industrialisation du pays. La société civile nous apparaît donc au regard de ces effets peu glorieux des investissements chinois en Afrique dans les domaines miniers et pétroliers comme une troisième partie de cette relation qui devra être la médiatrice ou régulatrice entre les deux autres. / The main objective of this analysis is to determine the juridical patterns of the Chinese and African legal cultures cohabitations, in order to pursue a Chinese-African lex mercatoria. The survey of Chinese mines and oil investments in Africa will be done in two principal parts. First, the study goes over the origin of the Chinese funds invested in Africa. Sovereign wealth funds in general causes questioning concerning their real purpose: are they financial or political instruments? Nevertheless, it is still obvious that this questioning does not stop Chinese sovereign wealth funds to continue to expand all over Africa. Also, going into the contracts and the legislation itself, the analysis of the contractual figures used in the mining and oil extractive industry individually in the Chinese and African context reveals the African contracts and legislation is not adequate to the continent’s economical and technological needs. Continuing into the particular analysis of the applicable law and the arbitration clauses in the Chinese and African context individually, it was possible to outpoint some options to the Chinese-African context. Secondly, the survey points out the mechanisms enabling Chinese investment into Africa and the consequences of these investments in the economical, social and environmental context. It was then pointed out that fiscal and customs mechanisms and also bilateral investment treaties signed in between China and numerous African countries favors Chinese investments in Africa. Still, the main social impact reveals some interrogations concerning the fight against corruption and promotion of transparency in Africa. Is the Chinese partnership considerate of this aspect? Moreover, the lack of technology transfer gets to negatively influence local competition and employment as well as economical and technological development. Also, environmental protection in the Chinese-African context seems to me sent far behind. Therefore, the African environment risks to face an environmental crisis just like China did because of the country’s industrialization. Civil society here, considering these less attractive impacts of Chinese investment in oil and mining sectors in Africa, appears to be a very useful third party with the role of mediation and regulation between the two others.