published_or_final_version / English Studies and Comparative Literature / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / Language Studies / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / English / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Language Studies / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

No description available.

This study describes the acquisition of phonology by three children learning Cantonese as their native language. Wai, the primary subject in the study, was observed longitudinally for a period of a year. Wing and Ching, the other two subjects, were observed cross-sectionally for purpose of comparison. Unlike other studies of the acquisition of Chinese phonology, this study proposes an explicit set of analytic procedures and criteria for the phonological analysis of children acquiring Cantonese. The analysis uses Ingram (1981) as its starting point. Altogether, I present four kinds of phonological analyses. They are (1) phonetic analysis, (2) analysis of reduplication, (3) substitution analysis, and (4) phonological process analysis. In the phonetic analysis, I look at two aspects of the children's phonetic ability. These are (1) the total number of segmental sounds and the articulation scores, which are the gross quantitative measures of the phonetic ability of the children's speech, and (2) the analysis of individual segments. Based on these results, I set up an inventory of the early sounds acquired in Cantonese. It is felt that such an inventory can be compared to those of other Cantonese subjects and to those of children learning other languages. In the analysis of reduplication, I distinguish two types of reduplicated forms in the subjects' speech. Type A forms are limited to 'baby talk'. The equivalent of this type of reduplicated form in Cantonese is the baby talk 'baabaa' for sheep, or 'kaka' for car in English. Type B forms are cases where the child reduplicated the adult model. In studying the young child's reduplication in Cantonese, it is necessary to look for both types of reduplication to separate the child who actually reduplicates from the one who is simply repeating reduplicated models. The results of the analysis of Type A reduplicated forms are consistent with the findings from English (e.g. Fee and Ingram, 1982) which show that reduplication occurs early and then decreases greatly. It is also found that the greatest number of the Type A forms are nouns. The, second greatest number are verbs. Adjectives/adverbs are the least frequent. The substitution analysis compares the phonology of. the child's words to their adult models to determine the matches and mismatches between them. In order to quantify this, I adopt two measures to calculate the extent to which matches occur. They are the proportion of matches and the proportion of data. The proportion of matches is the number of matches over the total number of adult sounds attempted by the child. The proportion of data is the number of sounds attempted over the total number of possible sounds in Cantonese. Based on these measures, the substitution of sounds of each subject is examined and compared with the others. Moreover, I also establish a hierarchy of difficulty for the individual segments for Wai. As far as the tone substitutions are concerned, the results justify the general finding that the mastery of tones occurs well in advance of the mastery of segments. All the subjects studied made few errors. In Cantonese, it has been proposed that a tone sandhi rule is commonly observed (Chao, 1947). The rule states that when an upper even tone (tone value 53:) is followed by another upper even tone (tone value 53:) or a high entering tone (tone value 5:), the first syllable will become the tone value 55:. The status of this Cantonese sandhi rule, however, has been challenged in J.K.Tse (1978). He looked at the acquisition of tone development of his son for 30 months, and found no instances of the tone value 53. From these data, he concluded that there is no systematic evidence to support the Cantonese sandhi rule described above. In the speech data of the subjects of this study, all the upper even tones produced by the subjects belong to the tone value 55:. There is no incidence of 53: variant. Thus my results support those of J.K. Tse. Bian-yin (changed tone) is also examined. In Cantonese, it is commonly agreed that there are two products of Bian-yin, (1) a high rising tone, which is similar to the upper rising tone (35:), and (2) a high level tone, similar to the upper even tone (55:). The results indicate that most of the cases of Bian-yin belong to the first category and that they all appear in nouns. Phonological processes are generalisations about the child's substitutions. They are natural tendencies the child uses to simplify adult target sounds. The results of this study show that there are processes that are shared by all the subjects, and others that are not. For example, all the subjects have the process of tensing vowels. This suggests that it is a common process among the Cantonese-speaking children. In addition to looking at the Cantonese produced by the subjects, this study also examines the English loanwords in Wai's speech. Her loan-words fit the rules given by H.N. Cheung (1972). For example, the English /\/ becomes a /p/ in the loan-word, and a vowel /i/ is often added to the loan-word for the English word that ends with a /s/, forming a new syllable. Some loan-words in Wai's speech are [npm1pa2] 'number', and [tsu'si4] 'juice'. Although English words and phrases occupied only a very small part of the vocabulary in Wai's speech, I look at all the English words and phrases that she used. Based on S.M. Tse (1978), the results indicate that Wai's pronunciation errors in English consonants are very similar to those made by the Cantonese adults who are learning English as a second language. The study also compares the phonological systems of English and Cantonese and argues that the phonology of Cantonese is easier to acquire than that of English. Two reasons are put forth to support the argument. They are (1) the more complex system in the English consonants and (2) the assistance of the tonal system in the acquisition of Cantonese. Moreover, I compare the results of the proportions of matches between the Cantonese subjects in this study and the English subjects based on Ingram (1981). The results show that the Cantonese subjects performed better in matching the adult models. Finally, this study moves from the analysis of the child's phonology to the consideration of the influence of the different dialects of the parents' speech on the child. This is a topic that has seldom been emphasized by other investigators. The speech of Wai's parents differs in the use of the /l/ and /n/ initial syllables. The father's dialect distinguishes both /!/ and /n/ initials, while that of the mother has all the /n/s replaced by /1/s. I examined Wai's use of [1] and [n] in initial syllables that required /l/ and /n/ in the father's dialect to see how these differences in the input language affected her production. First of all, [1] and [n] free varied throughout all sessions for both /l/ and /n/ initials. During this time, Wai went through two periods of development. The first period is characterized by a preference for nasalization, lasting from 1;7(14) to 2;0(27). The second period is characterized by the preference for lateralization, and extended approximately from age 2; 1(24) and up. These data show that Wai considered [1] and [n] to be allophones of a single phoneme. At the end of the study, however, Wai was on the verge of adopting theramother's dialect. / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

19世紀英美傳教士為佈教需要，在粤東潮汕地區留下了許多記錄當地方言的材料。這些材料採用字母記音，著重記錄當時當地口語情況，彌補了傳統韻書只記音類不標實際發音的缺陷，是考察19世紀音系、研究語音歷時演變的重要資源。本文旨在考察11本粤東潮汕地區傳教士語料，構建19世紀潮汕地區方言音系的同時，運用歷時比較的方法，分析一百多年來方言語音演變現象，探索其中的機制和規律，並以歷時音變研究成果為基礎，考察與傳教士語料年代相近的方言韻書及與其相關的研究。 / 本文首先通過考察傳教士語料的編寫說明、音值符號和記音地點，用窮盡式語料檢索方法，描寫、比較各語料音系，構建19世紀潮汕地區方言音系，確定19世紀傳教士語料音系，是以潮州府城（今天潮州市區）方言為主，夾雜汕頭、澄海音系特點的事實。之後，論文通過考察潮州方言輔音韻尾在一百多年來的演變，明確了輔音韻尾演變的兩種類型，並為這種演變找到起始音類，同時為聲化韻ŋ找到了演變路徑。研究又以文白異讀現象及其歷時演變為考察對象，總結了文白異讀的演變趨勢和規律，並釐清了同一音值不同層次分屬、「去鼻化音變」作用下的層次性差異、遇攝字ou韻母存古屬性、潮州方言陽聲韻攝vN類韻母白讀層特徵、陽聲韻鼻化元音來自鼻音尾等問題，並藉-m/-p韻尾演變模式，豐富、拓展了「鼻音、塞音韻尾演變階段」理論。最後，藉上述研究成果，我們檢驗以往學者對《韓江聞見錄》、《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》和《擊木知音》的研究情況，梳理了這些材料的音類分合和歸屬特徵。 / 採用歷時比較、邏輯推理與文獻互證相結合的研究方法，並藉科學的量化統計模式，我們從多角度考量傳教士語料，對一百多年來潮州方言語音演變現象作有效的探索和考究。 / In the 19th Century, in order to assist the missionary work, many Anglo-American Christian missionaries published dialect records of Chaoshan area. These records are Romanized dialect records reflecting colloquial pronunciations of Chaoshan dialects in the 19th Century, which were neglected by the traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries. They are very important resources for studying the diachronic change of language. This dissertation attempts to construct the phonological systems of Chaoshan dialects, analyze the patterns and rules of the diachronic change phenomena, and evaluate the research results of traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries by investigating 11 kinds of dialect records published by missionaries.. / By comparing the differences of symbols in these dialect records, this dissertation constructs the phonological system of Chaoshan Dialects of the 19th Century and ascertains that it is a phonological system based on Chaozhou City dialect and mixed with some features of Shantou, Chenghai Dialects. And then the dissertation analyzes 2 patterns of coda change of Chaozhou Dialect, finding out the change trigger and the evolutionary process from “ŋ to “ŋ. Literary pronunciations and colloquial pronunciations (文白異讀) are also different between now and the 19th Century. The dissertation proposes the trends and patterns of these pronunciations, discusses the topics of “same sound, different stratums, “denasalization, and “the origin of ‘ou’, ’vN’, and ‘v’, and then examines the theory of coda changes with the “-m/-p evolution pattern. Based on the study, the dissertation evaluates the validity of the research of 4 documents of traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries. / This dissertation synthesizes methods of diachronic comparison, logical judgment and textual studies, and scientific quantitative statistics. In so doing, it explores the dialect records in various aspects and summarizes patterns and rules of the phonological diachronic change of Chaozhou Dialect from Mid-19th to Early 21st Century. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 徐宇航. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-322) / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Xu Yuhang. / 論文提要 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 潮汕地區方言研究綜述 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 潮汕地區傳教士語料研究概況 --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- 其他地區傳教士語料研究概況 --- p.5 / Chapter 1.4 --- 本文的研究材料、內容、方法與目的 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- 研究材料與內容 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- 研究方法 --- p.12 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- 研究意義 --- p.14 / Chapter 1.4.4 --- 研究目的 --- p.15 / Chapter 1.5 --- 總結 --- p.15 / Chapter 第二章 --- 傳教士語料概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 2.1 --- 語料及語料作者的簡介 --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2 --- 語料與語言點的對應關係 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 語料編寫者對語料代表音系的介紹 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 現代潮州、汕頭方言的語音差異 --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- 潮州、汕頭地名的演變關係 --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3 --- 傳教士集中討論的語言學問題 --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- 傳教士談廣東的方言及潮汕地區方言的內部差異 --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- 潮汕地區方言在境外的使用情況 --- p.31 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- 傳教士談習得潮汕地區方言的方法 --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- 潮汕地區方言之有音無字現象 --- p.33 / Chapter 2.3.5 --- 潮汕地區方言的異讀現象 --- p.34 / Chapter 2.3.6 --- 傳教士談潮汕地區方言詞彙的分類 --- p.40 / Chapter 2.4 --- 總結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三章 --- 傳教士語料的符號與音系 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1 --- 語料對潮汕地區方言音值與符號的討論 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Dean1841的音值說明 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Giles1877的音值說明 --- p.46 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Fielde1878的音值說明 --- p.47 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- Fielde1883的音值說明 --- p.51 / Chapter 3.1.5 --- Duffus1883的音值說明 --- p.52 / Chapter 3.1.6 --- Ashmore1884的音值說明 --- p.55 / Chapter 3.1.7 --- Lim1886的音值說明 --- p.60 / Chapter 3.1.8 --- Gibson1886的音值說明 --- p.61 / Chapter 3.1.9 --- Steele1924的音值說明 --- p.66 / Chapter 3.2 --- 語料的符號與音系 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Dean1841的音系 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Giles1877的音系 --- p.74 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Fielde1878的音系 --- p.79 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Fielde1883的音系 --- p.84 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- Duffus1883的音系 --- p.87 / Chapter 3.2.6 --- Ashmore1884的音系 --- p.90 / Chapter 3.2.7 --- Lim1886的音系 --- p.93 / Chapter 3.2.8 --- Gibson1886的音系 --- p.96 / Chapter 3.2.9 --- Matthew 1889、Genesis 1896的音系 --- p.99 / Chapter 3.2.10 --- Steele 1924的音系 --- p.104 / Chapter 3.3 --- 19世紀潮汕地區方言音系的構建 --- p.107 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 聲母的符號與音值 --- p.108 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 韻母的符號與音值 --- p.114 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- 聲調的符號與調值 --- p.124 / Chapter 3.3.4 --- 潮汕地區方言音系的構建 --- p.126 / Chapter 3.4 --- 總結 --- p.128 / Chapter 第四章 --- 潮州方言輔音韻尾演變類型分析 --- p.130 / Chapter 4.1 --- 潮州方言輔音韻尾研究概況 --- p.130 / Chapter 4.2 --- 輔音韻尾類型A的演變特點 --- p.132 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 山、臻攝字的-n-ŋ/-t-k演變 --- p.133 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 非山、臻攝字的-n-ŋ/-t-k演變 --- p.137 / Chapter 4.3 --- 類型B的演變特點 --- p.141 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- 19世紀uan/uat類韻母與今天潮州方言uaŋ/uak類韻母的關係 --- p.141 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- uan/uat類韻母的演變次序與模式 --- p.144 / Chapter 4.4 --- 類型C的演變特點 --- p.145 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- ŋ類韻母在19世紀和今天的分佈 --- p.145 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- ŋ類韻母的來源與演變 --- p.150 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- 19世紀語料ŋ類讀音記錄的異同 --- p.153 / Chapter 4.5 --- 潮州方言一百多年來輔音韻尾演變類型的關係 --- p.155 / Chapter 4.6 --- 總結 --- p.157 / Chapter 第五章 --- 潮州方言文白異讀現象及其演變分析 --- p.158 / Chapter 5.1 --- 潮州（潮汕）方言異讀現象的研究概況 --- p.158 / Chapter 5.2. --- 概念的釐清與研究方法的確定 --- p.160 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 概念的釐清 --- p.160 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 研究方式的確定 --- p.162 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- 文白異讀判斷原則的確定 --- p.163 / Chapter 5.3 --- 潮州方言聲調的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.164 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- 全清、次清聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.167 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- 次濁聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.168 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- 全濁聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.171 / Chapter 5.3.4 --- 潮州方言聲調文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.173 / Chapter 5.4 --- 潮州方言聲母的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.173 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- 全清聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.180 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- 次清聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.180 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- 全濁聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.181 / Chapter 5.4.4 --- 次濁聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.182 / Chapter 5.4.5 --- 潮州方言聲母文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.195 / Chapter 5.5 --- 潮州方言韻母的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.195 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- 各攝韻母的異讀特點及其演變 --- p.195 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- 潮州方言韻母文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.247 / Chapter 5.6 --- 潮州方言一百多年來異讀現象的演變趨勢與規律 --- p.248 / Chapter 5.6.1 --- 演變趨勢分析 --- p.248 / Chapter 5.6.2 --- 演變規律分析 --- p.250 / Chapter 5.7 --- 對Gibson 1886「正音」、「白音」之詮釋 --- p.251 / Chapter 5.8 --- 總結 --- p.254 / Chapter 第六章 --- 潮州方言非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象的思考 --- p.255 / Chapter 6.1 --- 「鼻化元音」現象研究概述 --- p.255 / Chapter 6.2 --- 傳教士語料中的非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象 --- p.256 / Chapter 6.3 --- 解釋非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象的三種觀點 --- p.257 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- 「音變條件」說 --- p.258 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- 「擴散演變」說 --- p.259 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- 「小稱作用」說 --- p.260 / Chapter 6.4 --- 總結 --- p.261 / Chapter 第七章 --- 與傳教士語料年代相近的方言韻書及其研究情況考察 --- p.262 / Chapter 7.1 --- 方言韻書及其研究概況 --- p.263 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- 潮汕地區方言韻書及相關資料 --- p.264 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- 韻書、方言材料的研究現狀 --- p.265 / Chapter 7.2 --- 《韓江聞見錄》語音記錄之討論 --- p.266 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- 李新魁據《韓江聞見錄》總結的清代潮州方言特點 --- p.267 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- 李新魁「二百年前潮州音特點」與傳教士語料研究結果之比較 --- p.268 / Chapter 7.3 --- 《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》音系討論 --- p.269 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》的音系 --- p.270 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 兩本韻書音系的討論 --- p.271 / Chapter 7.4 --- 《擊木知音》音系討論 --- p.272 / Chapter 7.4.1 --- 三種《擊木知音》聲母、聲調構擬的比較 --- p.273 / Chapter 7.4.2 --- 三種《擊木知音》韻母構擬的比較 --- p.274 / Chapter 7.4.3 --- 《擊木知音》音系歸屬的討論 --- p.275 / Chapter 7.5 --- 總結 --- p.276 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結語 --- p.277 / Chapter 8.1 --- 內容與貢獻 --- p.278 / Chapter 8.2 --- 展望與期待 --- p.279 / 參考文獻 --- p.305

published_or_final_version / abstract / Linguistics / Master / Master of Arts