疑問詞語及疑問句是漢語研究的重要方面。傳統研究以及生成語法研究對疑問詞語和疑問句的句法做了大量研究。Feng(1995)指出韻律控制句法是語言的一個重要機制。在此基礎上，本文從韻律─句法接口入手，首次對上古漢語中韻律制約的疑問詞語及句法現象進行綜合的研究。 / 基於韻律的層級結構，本文從三個不同韻律層級探京韻律單位及其對應的韻律規則對疑問詞語及句法的制約作用。 / 第一章首先回顧二十多年來韻律句法學的研究，並對全文的理論背景進行介紹，最後概述本文的研究目的、主要觀點及研究方法。 / 第二章討論韻素音步導致的疑問詞「胡*ga」與「何*gal」的句法對立。本章指出「何*gal」是標準形式，「胡*ga」比「何*gal」少一個韻素/-l/，是特定語音環境下出現的弱化形式。這導致「胡*ga」比「何*gal」受到更多的句法限制。 / 第三章指出上古漢語中雙音節音步導致單雙音節疑問詞在不同的句法位置出現對立。在焦點重音、雙音節音步和核心重音的共同制約下，單音節疑問詞必須與相鄰成分組成雙音節音步。在非論元位置，單音節疑問詞變為雙音節疑問詞。但論元位置疑問詞己與動詞組合為雙音節，因此論元位置的單音節疑問詞沒有變為雙音節。這也導致在歷時演變中，論元位置的疑問詞晚於非論元位置疑問詞進行「雙音化」。 / 第四章集中討論一個重要的疑問結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。本文首次指出狀語「何/奚為」通過「分配删略」生成表層結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。而且本文更進一步指出是語調需要轉化為句末語氣詞的韻律要求迫使「何/奚為」進行「分配删略」。 / 第五章對全文進行總結，指出上述問題的討論，不僅為探索上古漢語特指疑問句的句法生成機制提供了新的材料和現象，而且它們豐富了我們對上古漢語面貌的認識。 / Wh-words and syntax of wh-questions are significant topics in Chinese linuistics.They have received a lot of attention from traditionaland generative studies.Feng (1995) proposed that prosodically-constrained syntax is a crucial mechanism. Based on this hypothesis, this paper will conduct an original and extensive research into phenomena of prosodically-constrained wh-morphology and syntax in Archaic Chines from prosody-syntax interface. / Based on Prosodic Hierachy Theory, this paper will explore different prosodic units and prosodic rules in different hierarchies impose constraints on morphology and syntax of wh-words and wh-questions. / The first chapter will review the history of prosodic-syntax research in the past twenty years, and then introduce the theoretical background of the whole paper. The research purpose, main points and methodology of this paper will be presented in the last section. / The second chapter will discuss the syntactic contrast between HU/*ga/and HE/*gal/ in Archaic Chinese results from the restrictions of bimoraic feet. This paper will argue that HE/*gal/ is analysed as a underlying form while HU/*ga/ represents a weak form. This will induce that HU/*ga/, with only one mora, is more constrictive than HE/*gal/ which has more mora . / The third chapter will point out that disyllabic foot results in the syntactic contrast between monosyllabic and disyllabic wh-words in Archaic Chinese. For the requirements of the focus stress , disyllabic feet and NSR (Nuclear Stress Rule), monosyllabic wh-words, weak forms bearing focus stress, will be substitued for disyllabic forms. Terefore a contrast will emerge between wh-words in argument and non-argument positions. At the same time the substitute will result in the appearance of disyllabicity of wh-words in argument positions is later than ones in non-argument positions through the process of diachronic change. / The fourth chapter will focus on an essential wh-question construction in Archaic Chinese - [HE/XI+(YI)+XP+WEI]. This paper will first propose that adjunct HE/XI generates that structure through the syntactic operation "Distributed Deletion". In addition, we first argue that the syntactic operation is activated by a prosodic request that intonations have to be transformed into sentence-final particls in the intonational phrases. / The fifth chapter will summarize the whole paper. It is suggested that demonstrations above will not only offer some novel phenomena of syntactic mechanisms for wh-questions in Archaic Chinese, but also will offer a distinctive perspective of Archaic Chinese. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李果. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 247-263). / Abstracts also in English. / Li Guo.

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-101). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.

韻素是韻律學在分析音節輕重理論系統中的最小單位。在韻素音步系統的語言中，韻素數量的多少決定音節的輕重。韻素在韻律系統中的作用，與音節中韻素數量的多少，元音響度的大小有直接關係。 / 自清代段玉裁發現"吾輕、我重"以來，這方面的探討一直未曾間斷，之前的研究雖提供了寶貴的材料，但卻不能很好地解決諸如輕重表現形式、語音與句法位置的關係和古今演變等方面的問題。而將韻素理論引入會使很多難題迎刃而解。本文在此基礎上，以上古漢語第一人稱代詞"吾"、"我"為研究對象，研究二者在先秦及兩漢以後的分佈特點及韻律輕重的表現，指出： / "我"是先秦漢語第一人稱代詞的標準形式，"吾"是在特定語音環境要求下出現的弱化形式。當句中位置具備語音弱化條件時，才使用弱化形式"吾"，其他位置使用標準形式"我"。因此，"吾"、"我"實為一詞的兩個不同形式。 / 本文主要包括以下幾個內容： / 第一章，緒論。本章分為三小節。第一小節，韻素理論的研究概況。概述韻素理論的基本觀點及理論體系。第二小節，漢語"吾輕、我重"研究綜述。本節對之前學者研究"吾輕、我重"的歷史進行總結和評價。第三小節，提出本文的研究目的、主要內容及方法。 / 第二章，第一人稱代詞"吾"、"我"的分佈現象及數字統計。本章著重描述先秦及兩漢以後重音位置上:"吾"、"我"出現的規律，分別考察以下幾個位置的分佈：語音空拍前位置、對比結構焦點位置及"前輕式"結構。 / 第三章，"吾"、"我"互補分佈特徵的韻律分析。本章分五部份。一、引入韻律相關理論，說明韻素輕重形式實現的語音條件。二、指出上古漢語"吾"、"我"的韻素特徵及二者的差異。三、"對"、"吾"、"我"互補分佈現象及統計結果進行韻律分析和解釋。四、闡釋"吾"、"我"對立現象的古今演變機制。五、重新審視"吾"、"我"對應屬性反映出的語音機制。 / 第四章，結論。我們概括了全文的觀點，強調：在韻素理論的框架下，本文提供了一系列發掘新材料的操作方法和驗證手段。同時，本文發現的新材料支持了上古韻素敏感的語音系統的理論和假說，同時支持了漢語韻律系統轉變的觀點，進一步論證了單音節音步是如何在上古漢語韻律系統中發揮功能的，同時也為漢語語音史的討論開闢了一個嶄新的領域。 / Mora is the smallest unit in the prosodic analysis. In quantity-sensitive languages, the weight of a syllable depends on the number of morae. The realization of the morae is relevant to the quantity and sonority of the vowel in the syllable. / Since Duan Yucai 段玉裁 proposed that "Wu 吾 is weak, while Wo 我 is strong" in the Qing Dynasty, the difference between the two pronouns has been extensively discussed. Although previous research has provided us with valuable materials, they cannot answer some crucial questions such as: what is the representation of weak form and strong form, what is the correlation between the stress and the syntactic positions in classical Chinese, and why the phonological contrast disappeared in the Han Dynasty. Within the framework of prosodic phonology, this thesis discusses the rule of the distribution of the first person pronouns Wu and Wo in archaic Chinese and proposes that: / Wo is the default form of the first person pronoun in archaic Chinese, while Wu exists as its reduced form in the specified phonological environments. In the language system, Wo is chosen as the basic form. Wu only occurs when the syllable is light, Wo occurs elsewhere. Wu and Wo are variants of the same pronoun. / The first chapter briefly introduces the relevant theoretical research principles on morae in section one, and then reviews some previous accounts for the contrasts of Wu and Wo in section two. The research purpose and methodology will be proposed in section three. / The second chapter shows statistics of the complementary distribution of Wu and Wo in archaic Chinese, especially focusing on the positions before the pause, contrastive stress and iambic structure. / The third chapter mainly presents the phonological and prosodic condition analysis to the phenomena listed in the chapter two. On the basis of the prosodic theories such as Nuclear Stress Rule (NSR), Invisible Condition (IC) and Default Rule (DR), I argue that the regularities of distribution result from the phonological distinction between Wu and Wo. Wo should be analysed as the underlying form, and the Wu represents the variable form. To give an explanation for the phonological process and mechanism in the evolution of these two pronouns, I gave a preliminary description of their changes after Han dynasty. This chapter also explores several properties of Wu and Wo to rethink how their contrast reflects some basic phonologic mechanisms / The fourth chapter summarizes the prosodic study of the two first person pronouns in this dissertation and emphasizes that: a set of evidence is provided to support the prosodical explanation, as well as to validate the hypothesis of Weight-sensitive System‘ in archaic Chinese. It is also suggested that aside from its significant role in prosodic system, monomoraic syllable foot could lead to great diachronic changes of the language. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙璞嵩. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-129). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhao Pusong.