This dissertation aims at constructing a description of reduplication in Old Chinese, developing a generative theory of morpho-phonological interaction to account for the formation of the reduplication patterns, and re-examining general reduplication theories and issues of other linguistic components by drawing lessons from Old Chinese reduplication. The investigation of the source data reveals that Old Chinese reduplication has four basic patterns: progressive reduplication with either "smallness" or "vividness", retrogressive pattern with "repetition", fission reduplication with "specialization", and total reduplication with a vivid impression (a parasitic sense). The formation of the reduplication patterns results from the interaction between morphology and phonology. With motivation from semantics, the monosyllabic base is reduplicated as two identical syllables, which undergo further modification. 1) Since the reduplicative form with "diminutive" or "vividness" is semantically undecomposable, OOP (One Syllable One Meaning Principle) forces the two syllables to sound like one, which is achieved by raising the sonority of the onset of the second syllable. As such, the progressive pattern arises. 2) For the same reason, the reduplicative form with "specialization" has the same shape as the progressive at one stage. Pressure from the system thus compels it to undergo further modification, eventually producing the fission pattern. 3) The reduplicative form with a vivid impression is not under the control of OOP; thus it can keep its two identical syllables intact, yielding total reduplication pattern. 4) Reduplicative verbs are semantically decomposable; thus OOP does not come into effect. That the form is actually modified stems from the pressure of an already-existent total reduplication pattern, while this modification of the first rhyme is determined by quasi-iambic stress. This interaction produces a retrogressive pattern. This study sheds light on reduplication processes in general and other linguistic issues. During reduplication, full reduplication occurs first; then the reduplicant is modified. That reduplication operates on the interface between morphology and phonology is a universal phenomenon, but how this operation proceeds is language-specific. The consistent distinction between Type A syllables and Type B syllables seen in Old Chinese reduplication patterns indicates the unreasonableness of reconstructing a "medial" yod for Old Chinese.

This dissertation aims at constructing a description of reduplication in Old Chinese, developing a generative theory of morpho-phonological interaction to account for the formation of the reduplication patterns, and re-examining general reduplication theories and issues of other linguistic components by drawing lessons from Old Chinese reduplication. The investigation of the source data reveals that Old Chinese reduplication has four basic patterns: progressive reduplication with either "smallness" or "vividness", retrogressive pattern with "repetition", fission reduplication with "specialization", and total reduplication with a vivid impression (a parasitic sense). The formation of the reduplication patterns results from the interaction between morphology and phonology. With motivation from semantics, the monosyllabic base is reduplicated as two identical syllables, which undergo further modification. 1) Since the reduplicative form with "diminutive" or "vividness" is semantically undecomposable, OOP (One Syllable One Meaning Principle) forces the two syllables to sound like one, which is achieved by raising the sonority of the onset of the second syllable. As such, the progressive pattern arises. 2) For the same reason, the reduplicative form with "specialization" has the same shape as the progressive at one stage. Pressure from the system thus compels it to undergo further modification, eventually producing the fission pattern. 3) The reduplicative form with a vivid impression is not under the control of OOP; thus it can keep its two identical syllables intact, yielding total reduplication pattern. 4) Reduplicative verbs are semantically decomposable; thus OOP does not come into effect. That the form is actually modified stems from the pressure of an already-existent total reduplication pattern, while this modification of the first rhyme is determined by quasi-iambic stress. This interaction produces a retrogressive pattern. This study sheds light on reduplication processes in general and other linguistic issues. During reduplication, full reduplication occurs first; then the reduplicant is modified. That reduplication operates on the interface between morphology and phonology is a universal phenomenon, but how this operation proceeds is language-specific. The consistent distinction between Type A syllables and Type B syllables seen in Old Chinese reduplication patterns indicates the unreasonableness of reconstructing a "medial" yod for Old Chinese. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

郭必之. / 論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院中國語言及文學學部, 1997. / 參考文獻: leaves 415-450. / Guo Bizhi. / Chapter 第一章： --- 引言 --- p.1-12 / Chapter 第二章： --- 研究目的與方法 --- p.13-36 / Chapter 第三章： --- 評論幾篇利用古文字資料去探求上古聲母的文章 --- p.37-65 / Chapter 第四章： --- 四大類複聲母簡論 --- p.66-117 / Chapter ( A ) --- 帶-l-/-r-類複聲母 --- p.66-79 / Chapter ( B ) --- 帶s-類複聲母 --- p.80-103 / Chapter ( C ) --- 帶喉塞音類複聲母 --- p.104-108 / Chapter ( D ) --- 帶舌尖塞音類複聲 --- p.108-111 / Chapter 第五章： --- 甲骨文所見的複聲母現象 --- p.118-163 / Chapter ( A ) --- 帶-l-/-r-類複聲母 --- p.118-129 / Chapter (一) --- *Pl(r)類複聲母 --- p.118-120 / Chapter (二) --- *Tl(r)類複聲母 --- p.120-121 / Chapter (三) --- *Kl(r)類複聲母 --- p.122-123 / Chapter (四) --- *TSl(r)類複聲母 --- p.124 / Chapter (五) --- *N(r)類複聲母 --- p.124-129 / Chapter ( B ) --- 帶s-類複聲母 --- p.129-145 / Chapter (一) --- *ST-類複聲母 --- p.129-142 / Chapter (二) --- *SK-類複聲母 --- p.142-145 / Chapter ( C ) --- 帶喉塞音類複聲母 --- p.145-148 / Chapter (一) --- *PT-類複聲母 --- p.145-146 / Chapter (二) --- *PST-類複聲母 --- p.146-148 / Chapter ( D ) --- 帶舌尖塞音類複聲母 --- p.148-156 / Chapter (一) --- *TK-類複聲母 --- p.148-150 / Chapter (二) --- *TP-類複聲母 --- p.150-153 / Chapter (三) --- *dN-類複聲母 --- p.153156 / Chapter 第六章： --- 西周金文所見的複聲母現象 --- p.164-326 / Chapter ( A ) --- 帶-t-/-r-類複聲母 --- p.164-198 / Chapter (一) --- *Pl(r)類複聲母 --- p.164-166 / Chapter (二) --- *Tl(r)類複聲母 --- p.166-168 / Chapter (三) --- *Kl(r)類複聲母 --- p.168-193 / Chapter (四) --- *Nl(r)類複聲母 --- p.193-196 / Chapter (五) --- *Fl(r)類初聲母 --- p.196-198 / Chapter ( B ) --- 帶s-類複聲母 --- p.198-254 / Chapter (一) --- *ST-類複聲母 --- p.198-242 / Chapter (二) --- *SK-類複聲母 --- p.242-249 / Chapter (三) --- *SN-類複聲母 --- p.249-254 / Chapter ( C ) --- 帶喉塞音類複聲母 --- p.254-283 / Chapter (一) --- *PT-類複聲母 --- p.254-262 / Chapter (二) --- *PST類複聲母 --- p.263-274 / Chapter (三) --- *□P類複聲母 --- p.274-280 / Chapter (四) --- *□N類複聲母 --- p.280-283 / Chapter ( D ) --- 帶舌尖塞音類複聲母 --- p.283-302 / Chapter (一) --- *TK-類複聲母 --- p.283-297 / Chapter (二) --- *TP-類複聲母 --- p.297-298 / Chapter (三) --- *dN-類複聲母 --- p.298-302 / Chapter 第七章： --- 先秦簡帛文字所見的複聲母現象 --- p.327-391 / Chapter ( A ) --- 帶-i-/-r- 類複聲母 --- p.327-340 / Chapter (一) --- *Pl(r)類複聲母 --- p.327-328 / Chapter (二) --- *Tl(r)類複聲母 --- p.328-329 / Chapter (三) --- *Kl(r)類複聲母 --- p.329-337 / Chapter (四) --- *Nl(r)類複聲母 --- p.337-339 / Chapter (五) --- *Fl(r)類複聲母 --- p.339-340 / Chapter ( B ) --- 帶s-類複聲母 --- p.340-367 / Chapter (一) --- *ST-類複聲母 --- p.340-361 / Chapter (二) --- *SK-類複聲母 --- p.361-365 / Chapter (三) --- *SN-類複聲母 --- p.365-367 / Chapter ( C ) --- 帶喉塞音類複聲母 --- p.368-378 / Chapter (一) --- *PT-類複聲母 --- p.368-371 / Chapter (二) --- *PST-類複聲母 --- p.371-373 / Chapter (三) --- *PP-類複聲母 --- p.374 / Chapter (四) --- *PN-類複聲母 --- p.374-378 / Chapter ( D ) --- 帶舌尖塞音類複聲母 --- p.378-386 / Chapter (一) --- *TK-類複聲母 --- p.378-383 / Chapter (二) --- *dN-類複聲母 --- p.383-386 / Chapter 第八章： --- 結論 --- p.392-414 / 參考書籍及論文 --- p.415-450

韻素是韻律學在分析音節輕重理論系統中的最小單位。在韻素音步系統的語言中，韻素數量的多少決定音節的輕重。韻素在韻律系統中的作用，與音節中韻素數量的多少，元音響度的大小有直接關係。 / 自清代段玉裁發現"吾輕、我重"以來，這方面的探討一直未曾間斷，之前的研究雖提供了寶貴的材料，但卻不能很好地解決諸如輕重表現形式、語音與句法位置的關係和古今演變等方面的問題。而將韻素理論引入會使很多難題迎刃而解。本文在此基礎上，以上古漢語第一人稱代詞"吾"、"我"為研究對象，研究二者在先秦及兩漢以後的分佈特點及韻律輕重的表現，指出： / "我"是先秦漢語第一人稱代詞的標準形式，"吾"是在特定語音環境要求下出現的弱化形式。當句中位置具備語音弱化條件時，才使用弱化形式"吾"，其他位置使用標準形式"我"。因此，"吾"、"我"實為一詞的兩個不同形式。 / 本文主要包括以下幾個內容： / 第一章，緒論。本章分為三小節。第一小節，韻素理論的研究概況。概述韻素理論的基本觀點及理論體系。第二小節，漢語"吾輕、我重"研究綜述。本節對之前學者研究"吾輕、我重"的歷史進行總結和評價。第三小節，提出本文的研究目的、主要內容及方法。 / 第二章，第一人稱代詞"吾"、"我"的分佈現象及數字統計。本章著重描述先秦及兩漢以後重音位置上:"吾"、"我"出現的規律，分別考察以下幾個位置的分佈：語音空拍前位置、對比結構焦點位置及"前輕式"結構。 / 第三章，"吾"、"我"互補分佈特徵的韻律分析。本章分五部份。一、引入韻律相關理論，說明韻素輕重形式實現的語音條件。二、指出上古漢語"吾"、"我"的韻素特徵及二者的差異。三、"對"、"吾"、"我"互補分佈現象及統計結果進行韻律分析和解釋。四、闡釋"吾"、"我"對立現象的古今演變機制。五、重新審視"吾"、"我"對應屬性反映出的語音機制。 / 第四章，結論。我們概括了全文的觀點，強調：在韻素理論的框架下，本文提供了一系列發掘新材料的操作方法和驗證手段。同時，本文發現的新材料支持了上古韻素敏感的語音系統的理論和假說，同時支持了漢語韻律系統轉變的觀點，進一步論證了單音節音步是如何在上古漢語韻律系統中發揮功能的，同時也為漢語語音史的討論開闢了一個嶄新的領域。 / Mora is the smallest unit in the prosodic analysis. In quantity-sensitive languages, the weight of a syllable depends on the number of morae. The realization of the morae is relevant to the quantity and sonority of the vowel in the syllable. / Since Duan Yucai 段玉裁 proposed that "Wu 吾 is weak, while Wo 我 is strong" in the Qing Dynasty, the difference between the two pronouns has been extensively discussed. Although previous research has provided us with valuable materials, they cannot answer some crucial questions such as: what is the representation of weak form and strong form, what is the correlation between the stress and the syntactic positions in classical Chinese, and why the phonological contrast disappeared in the Han Dynasty. Within the framework of prosodic phonology, this thesis discusses the rule of the distribution of the first person pronouns Wu and Wo in archaic Chinese and proposes that: / Wo is the default form of the first person pronoun in archaic Chinese, while Wu exists as its reduced form in the specified phonological environments. In the language system, Wo is chosen as the basic form. Wu only occurs when the syllable is light, Wo occurs elsewhere. Wu and Wo are variants of the same pronoun. / The first chapter briefly introduces the relevant theoretical research principles on morae in section one, and then reviews some previous accounts for the contrasts of Wu and Wo in section two. The research purpose and methodology will be proposed in section three. / The second chapter shows statistics of the complementary distribution of Wu and Wo in archaic Chinese, especially focusing on the positions before the pause, contrastive stress and iambic structure. / The third chapter mainly presents the phonological and prosodic condition analysis to the phenomena listed in the chapter two. On the basis of the prosodic theories such as Nuclear Stress Rule (NSR), Invisible Condition (IC) and Default Rule (DR), I argue that the regularities of distribution result from the phonological distinction between Wu and Wo. Wo should be analysed as the underlying form, and the Wu represents the variable form. To give an explanation for the phonological process and mechanism in the evolution of these two pronouns, I gave a preliminary description of their changes after Han dynasty. This chapter also explores several properties of Wu and Wo to rethink how their contrast reflects some basic phonologic mechanisms / The fourth chapter summarizes the prosodic study of the two first person pronouns in this dissertation and emphasizes that: a set of evidence is provided to support the prosodical explanation, as well as to validate the hypothesis of Weight-sensitive System‘ in archaic Chinese. It is also suggested that aside from its significant role in prosodic system, monomoraic syllable foot could lead to great diachronic changes of the language. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙璞嵩. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-129). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhao Pusong.

朱歧祥. / 手稿本, 複本據稿本影印. / Thesis (Ph.d.)--香港中文大學中國語文學部. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ju gao ben ying yin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 769-801). / Zhu Qixiang. / Thesis (Ph.d.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue Zhongguo yu wen xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 何謂對貞 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 對貞的位置 --- p.17 / Chapter 甲 --- 龜甲的對貞位置 --- p.17 / Chapter 乙 --- 牛胛骨的對貞位置 --- p.20 / Chapter 第三節 --- 對貞的句型 --- p.24 / Chapter 甲 --- 單句的對貞句型 --- p.24 / Chapter 乙 --- 複句的對貞句型 --- p.34 / Chapter 第四節 --- 對貞卜辭詞類的分析條例 --- p.51 / Chapter 第二章 --- 對貞卜辭否定詞斷代研究 --- p.120 / Chapter 表一 --- 殷墟卜辭中否定詞的斷代用例總表 --- p.122 / Chapter 表二 --- 殷墟卜辭中否定詞的斷代用例統計表 --- p.163 / Chapter 第一節 --- 說不 --- p.166 / Chapter 甲 --- 五期卜辭中不字的用法 --- p.166 / Chapter 乙 --- 由不雨一文例討論對貞中的詞類 --- p.178 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說亡 --- p.188 / Chapter 甲 --- 五期卜辭中亡字的用法 --- p.188 / Chapter 乙 --- 五期卜辭中亡字與其他否定詞的關係　 --- p.196 / Chapter 第三節 --- 說弗 --- p.206 / Chapter 甲 --- 五期卜辭中弗字的用法 --- p.206 / Chapter 乙 --- 比較弗不二否定詞的異同 --- p.216 / Chapter 第四節 --- 說勿 --- p.233 / Chapter 甲 --- 五期卜辭中勿的用法 --- p.233 / Chapter 乙 --- 比較勿與不的異同 --- p.238 / Chapter 丙 --- 釋勿同字 --- p.252 / Chapter 第五節 --- 說弜 --- p.264 / Chapter 第六節 --- 不隹勿隹 --- p.280 / Chapter 第七節 --- 說 --- p.289 / Chapter 第八節 --- 說毋 --- p.297 / Chapter 第九節 --- 說非 --- p.303 / Chapter 第十節 --- 由對貞論《甲骨文合集》中□組、子組、午組卜辭的斷代 --- p.305 / 結語 --- p.317 / Chapter 第三章 --- 對貞卜辭句型變異之一──省文 --- p.366 / Chapter 第一節 --- 省主詞 --- p.368 / Chapter 甲 --- 省略殷王稱謂 --- p.368 / Chapter 乙 --- 省略貴族邦國稱謂 --- p.370 / Chapter 第二節 --- 省賓詞 --- p.377 / Chapter 甲 --- 省間接賓詞 --- p.377 / Chapter 乙 --- 介詞、間接賓詞兼省 --- p.382 / Chapter 丙 --- 省直接賓詞 --- p.385 / Chapter 丁 --- 直接、間接賓詞兼省 --- p.389 / Chapter 第三節 --- 省動詞 --- p.392 / Chapter 甲 --- 一般動詞的省略句型 --- p.392 / Chapter 乙 --- 複合動詞的省略句型 --- p.396 / Chapter 丙 --- 呼屬句動詞的省略句型 --- p.399 / Chapter 第四節 --- 省形容詞 --- p.406 / Chapter 第五節 --- 省介詞 --- p.409 / Chapter 甲 --- 省介詞于 --- p.409 / Chapter 乙 --- 兼省介詞于和賓詞 --- p.411 / Chapter 丙 --- 省介詞在 --- p.414 / Chapter 第六節 --- 省時間副詞 --- p.416 / Chapter 第七節 --- 省疑問副詞 --- p.426 / Chapter 第八節 --- 省方位副詞 --- p.428 / Chapter 第九節 --- 省數詞 --- p.430 / Chapter 第十節 --- 省發語詞 --- p.432 / Chapter 第十一節 --- 省主、賓詞 --- p.434 / Chapter 第十二節 --- 省主、動詞 --- p.438 / Chapter 第十三節 --- 省動、賓詞 --- p.441 / Chapter 第十四節 --- 省主、動、賓詞 --- p.444 / Chapter 第十五節 --- 省複合句中的主句 --- p.449 / Chapter 第十六節 --- 省複合句中的補充詞 --- p.457 / Chapter 第十七節 --- 省文句型的影響 --- p.460 / Chapter 甲 --- 省主詞 --- p.460 / Chapter 乙 --- 省賓詞 --- p.466 / Chapter 丙 --- 省動詞 --- p.470 / Chapter 丁 --- 省動、賓詞 --- p.477 / Chapter 戊 --- 省主、賓詞 --- p.479 / Chapter 己 --- 省介詞 --- p.479 / 結語 --- p.482 / Chapter 第四章 --- 對貞卜辭句型變異之二 ──移位 --- p.529 / Chapter 第一節 --- 主詞移位 --- p.531 / Chapter 甲 --- 主詞移後 --- p.531 / Chapter 乙 --- 主詞移尾 --- p.532 / Chapter 第二節 --- 賓詞移位 --- p.533 / Chapter 甲 --- 賓詞移首 --- p.533 / Chapter 乙 --- 介、賓詞移首 --- p.536 / Chapter 丙 --- 賓詞移前 --- p.539 / Chapter 丁 --- 賓詞移後 --- p.541 / Chapter 第三節 --- 動詞移位 --- p.543 / Chapter 甲 --- 動詞移首 --- p.544 / Chapter 乙 --- 動詞移尾 --- p.545 / Chapter 丙 --- 動詞移後 --- p.549 / Chapter 第四節 --- 時間副詞移位 --- p.550 / Chapter 甲 --- 時間副詞移首 --- p.550 / Chapter 乙 --- 時間副詞移尾 --- p.551 / Chapter 丙 --- 時間副詞移後 --- p.553 / Chapter 第五節 --- 介詞移位 --- p.556 / Chapter 第六節 --- 數詞移位 --- p.558 / Chapter 第七節 --- 否定副詞移位 --- p.560 / Chapter 甲 --- 不的移位 --- p.560 / Chapter 乙 --- 勿的移位 --- p.562 / Chapter 丙 --- 弗的移位 --- p.563 / Chapter 第八節 --- 代詞移位 --- p.564 / Chapter 第九節 --- 形容詞移位 --- p.567 / Chapter 第十節 --- 連詞移位 --- p.568 / Chapter 第十一節 --- 補充句移位 --- p.570 / Chapter 甲 --- 補充句移首 --- p.570 / Chapter 乙 --- 補充句移前 --- p.570 / Chapter 第十二節 --- 移位句型的影響 --- p.572 / Chapter 甲 --- 主詞移位 --- p.572 / Chapter 乙 --- 賓詞移位 --- p.573 / Chapter 丙 --- 動詞移位 --- p.587 / Chapter 丁 --- 數詞移位 --- p.588 / 結語 --- p.590 / Chapter 第五章 --- 對貞卜辭句型變異之三　── 加接 --- p.627 / Chapter 第一節 --- 句組加接 --- p.628 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詞組加接 --- p.644 / Chapter 第三節 --- 正反加接 --- p.651 / Chapter 第四節 --- 加接句型的影響 --- p.662 / Chapter 甲 --- 詞組加接 --- p.662 / Chapter 乙 --- 句組加接 --- p.665 / 結語 --- p.667 / Chapter 第六章 --- 對貞卜辭句型變異之四 ── 複合詞 --- p.678 / Chapter 第一節 --- 複合動詞 --- p.679 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說呼令 --- p.694 / Chapter 第三節 --- 複合主詞 --- p.702 / Chapter 第四節 --- 複合賓詞 --- p.706 / Chapter 第五節 --- 複合詞的影響 --- p.712 / Chapter 甲 --- 複合主詞 --- p.712 / Chapter 乙 --- 複合賓詞 --- p.715 / Chapter 丙 --- 複合動詞 --- p.716 / 結語 --- p.725 / Chapter 第七章 --- 對貞卜辭句型變異之五 ── 類同 --- p.733 / Chapter 第一節 --- 賓詞類同 --- p.734 / Chapter 甲 --- 平衡或類同 --- p.734 / Chapter 乙 --- 包孕或類同 --- p.738 / Chapter 第二節 --- 主詞類同 --- p.742 / Chapter 第三節 --- 數詞類同 --- p.745 / Chapter 第四節 --- 方位詞類同 --- p.747 / Chapter 第五節 --- 複合句中主句類同 --- p.749 / Chapter 第六節 --- 複合句中補充句類同 --- p.751 / Chapter 第七節 --- 類同句型的影響 --- p.753 / 結語 --- p.756 / 總論 --- p.763 / Chapter 附一 --- 本文引用甲骨書目簡稱 --- p.769 / Chapter 附二 --- 參考書目類別舉要 --- p.773 / Chapter 附三 --- 期刊論文舉要 --- p.789

梁月娥. / "2011年8月". / "2011 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-248). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Liang Yue'e. / 提要 --- p.i / 目錄 --- p.iv / 凡例 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.7 / Chapter 一、 --- 《疏證》簡介 --- p.7 / Chapter 二、 --- 學界對《疏證》隨價 --- p.8 / Chapter 三、 --- 《疏證》的價値 --- p.11 / Chapter 四、 --- 硏究目的和方法 --- p.15 / Chapter 第二章 --- 字形方面的問題 --- p.16 / Chapter 一、 --- 誤收其他字形 --- p.16 / Chapter 二、 --- 對字形本身的認識有問題 --- p.39 / Chapter (一) --- 依從《說文》的誤釋 --- p.39 / Chapter (二) --- 混淆形近字 --- p.42 / Chapter (三) --- 對古文字中的字形混同現象認識不清 --- p.50 / Chapter (四) --- 混淆本字與假借字 --- p.52 / Chapter (五) --- 輕略字形在不同時代的演變 --- p.53 / Chapter (六) --- 忽略族名金文對理解字形的作用 --- p.56 / Chapter (七) --- 沒有溝通同一偏旁在不同字中的關係 --- p.58 / Chapter (八) --- 沒有結合字的用義來分析字形 --- p.61 / Chapter 第三章 --- 字義方面的問題 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 釋義有誤 --- p.66 / Chapter (一) --- 解釋造字本義有誤 --- p.66 / Chapter (二) --- 解釋用法有誤 --- p.70 / Chapter (1) --- 誤解上下文文意 --- p.70 / Chapter (2) --- 誤解古書詁訓 --- p.94 / Chapter (3) --- 誤解器物形制 --- p.103 / Chapter (4) --- 忽略與傳世文獻的對照 --- p.117 / Chapter (5) --- 忽略古文字的用字習慣 --- p.131 / Chapter 二、 --- 釋義不足 --- p.136 / Chapter (一) --- 缺釋造字本義 --- p.136 / Chapter (二) --- 說解字的用法有邊漏 --- p.140 / Chapter 第四章 --- 本人對部分字形造字本義和用法的新看法 --- p.146 / Chapter 一、 --- 造字本義 --- p.146 / Chapter 二、 --- 辭例脈 --- p.170 / Chapter 第五章 --- 與字音有關的問題 --- p.189 / Chapter 一、 --- 複輔音聲母對繫聯聲首的影響 --- p.189 / Chapter 二、 --- 記音錯誤 --- p.197 / Chapter 第六章 --- 「系原」的修訂建議 --- p.199 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.212 / 參考文獻 --- p.217 / Chapter 附錄一、 --- 字形摹錄 --- p.249 / Chapter 附錄二、 --- 筆誤 --- p.254 / Chapter 附錄三、 --- 書目簡稱表 --- p.256 / Chapter 附錄四、 --- 檢字表 --- p.257

疑問詞語及疑問句是漢語研究的重要方面。傳統研究以及生成語法研究對疑問詞語和疑問句的句法做了大量研究。Feng(1995)指出韻律控制句法是語言的一個重要機制。在此基礎上，本文從韻律─句法接口入手，首次對上古漢語中韻律制約的疑問詞語及句法現象進行綜合的研究。 / 基於韻律的層級結構，本文從三個不同韻律層級探京韻律單位及其對應的韻律規則對疑問詞語及句法的制約作用。 / 第一章首先回顧二十多年來韻律句法學的研究，並對全文的理論背景進行介紹，最後概述本文的研究目的、主要觀點及研究方法。 / 第二章討論韻素音步導致的疑問詞「胡*ga」與「何*gal」的句法對立。本章指出「何*gal」是標準形式，「胡*ga」比「何*gal」少一個韻素/-l/，是特定語音環境下出現的弱化形式。這導致「胡*ga」比「何*gal」受到更多的句法限制。 / 第三章指出上古漢語中雙音節音步導致單雙音節疑問詞在不同的句法位置出現對立。在焦點重音、雙音節音步和核心重音的共同制約下，單音節疑問詞必須與相鄰成分組成雙音節音步。在非論元位置，單音節疑問詞變為雙音節疑問詞。但論元位置疑問詞己與動詞組合為雙音節，因此論元位置的單音節疑問詞沒有變為雙音節。這也導致在歷時演變中，論元位置的疑問詞晚於非論元位置疑問詞進行「雙音化」。 / 第四章集中討論一個重要的疑問結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。本文首次指出狀語「何/奚為」通過「分配删略」生成表層結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。而且本文更進一步指出是語調需要轉化為句末語氣詞的韻律要求迫使「何/奚為」進行「分配删略」。 / 第五章對全文進行總結，指出上述問題的討論，不僅為探索上古漢語特指疑問句的句法生成機制提供了新的材料和現象，而且它們豐富了我們對上古漢語面貌的認識。 / Wh-words and syntax of wh-questions are significant topics in Chinese linuistics.They have received a lot of attention from traditionaland generative studies.Feng (1995) proposed that prosodically-constrained syntax is a crucial mechanism. Based on this hypothesis, this paper will conduct an original and extensive research into phenomena of prosodically-constrained wh-morphology and syntax in Archaic Chines from prosody-syntax interface. / Based on Prosodic Hierachy Theory, this paper will explore different prosodic units and prosodic rules in different hierarchies impose constraints on morphology and syntax of wh-words and wh-questions. / The first chapter will review the history of prosodic-syntax research in the past twenty years, and then introduce the theoretical background of the whole paper. The research purpose, main points and methodology of this paper will be presented in the last section. / The second chapter will discuss the syntactic contrast between HU/*ga/and HE/*gal/ in Archaic Chinese results from the restrictions of bimoraic feet. This paper will argue that HE/*gal/ is analysed as a underlying form while HU/*ga/ represents a weak form. This will induce that HU/*ga/, with only one mora, is more constrictive than HE/*gal/ which has more mora . / The third chapter will point out that disyllabic foot results in the syntactic contrast between monosyllabic and disyllabic wh-words in Archaic Chinese. For the requirements of the focus stress , disyllabic feet and NSR (Nuclear Stress Rule), monosyllabic wh-words, weak forms bearing focus stress, will be substitued for disyllabic forms. Terefore a contrast will emerge between wh-words in argument and non-argument positions. At the same time the substitute will result in the appearance of disyllabicity of wh-words in argument positions is later than ones in non-argument positions through the process of diachronic change. / The fourth chapter will focus on an essential wh-question construction in Archaic Chinese - [HE/XI+(YI)+XP+WEI]. This paper will first propose that adjunct HE/XI generates that structure through the syntactic operation "Distributed Deletion". In addition, we first argue that the syntactic operation is activated by a prosodic request that intonations have to be transformed into sentence-final particls in the intonational phrases. / The fifth chapter will summarize the whole paper. It is suggested that demonstrations above will not only offer some novel phenomena of syntactic mechanisms for wh-questions in Archaic Chinese, but also will offer a distinctive perspective of Archaic Chinese. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李果. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 247-263). / Abstracts also in English. / Li Guo.

Based on these fragments, this dissertation first makes an attempt to clarify the issues involving the Gu Wen Shang Shu that was discovered in the Kong's wall, as reported in various documents of the Han Dynasty. It then proceeds to discuss the characteristics and the origins of the "archaic scripts" in the Shuo-wen Jie-zi and the Stone Classics in Three Scripts of the Wei Dynasty, as these two texts and the script of Gu Wen Shang Shu are closely related. / Finally, by examining the discrepancies between the quotations of the Shang Shu in the Shuo-wen Jie-zi and the version of Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan, this dissertation constructs the argument that such discrepancies are perhaps the result of the interpretative replacement of characters which was, after all, a common method of teaching employed by gu wen scholars of the Eastern Han. / It further deals with the argument of the "li-shu" transliteration (li gu ding), and through a detailed analysis of the expressions and terms used in the text, it expounds the view that the li-shu transliteration of the Gu Wen Shang Shu was non-existent in the Han Dynasty, let alone a so called li-shu transliterated version. / Seeking to challenge this viewpoint, the author of this dissertation has made a close examination of the Gu Wen Shang Shu and has discovered that it was actually written in "li-shu", rather than in archaic script. Through a survey of relevant philological issues, the arguments are presented in this dissertation. / The controversy surrounding the opposition between the archaic and vernacular scripts (jin gu wen) of the Han Dynasty is one of the most complex issues in Chinese philology. Scholars have yet to come to a consensus on which script the Gu Wen Shang Shu (The Book of History Written in Archaic Script) was written. For a long time, a popular view has been that the difference between "jin wen" (vernacular script: li-shu) and "gu wen" (archaic script) lies in the types of script used, as the so-called Gu Wen Shang Shu is believed to have been written in archaic script. / The issue of script of Gu Wen Shang Shu has been a significant topic in Chinese philology. Moreover, the controversy over the archaic script and the contemporary script of the Han Dynasty is very much about the Shang Shu. An understanding of this issue is crucial in resolving problems confronting other archaic texts. / Though the original text of the Gu Wen Shang Shu is no longer extant, there are a few surviving fragments in the quotations of the Shang Shu in the Shuo-wen Jie-zi, the "archaic scripts" in the Stone Classics in Three Scripts (San-ti Shi-jing), the "li-shu" transliteration (li gu ding) of the Shang Shu and the quotations of the Gu Wen Shang Shu of Ma Bong and Zheng Xuan in the Jin-dian Shi-wen. / 蘇春暉. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. i-xvi). / Adviser: Chan Hung Kan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-01, Section: A, page: 0198. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. i-xvi). / Su Chunhui.

In ancient times, words of praying were often inscribed on the bottom of newly made bronzewares. Such words are now named "Jia-ci". Jia-ci originated in the early Western Zhou Dynasty, with much enrichent and diversification in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty. Most of the Jia-ci used in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty inscribed bronzes cannot be found in literature today. The scope of their contents is wide, contributing to their being complete reflections of ancient lives and culture. Not only is the notion of providence and spirits in primitive religious beliefs included, but the ancients' quests for immortality, good fortune, peacefulness and power are also revealed. In addition, Jia-ci can be seen as an important criterion for distinguishing the age and origin of bronzewares, due to the strong sense of time and place shown by their use. Variances can often been seen in the forms and use of words differing in the period. Using inscribed bronzes found on the Eastern Zhou Dynasty bronzewares as the focus, alongside their comparison with ancient books found, this study aims to provide a clear picture of Jia-ci in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty with proper cataloguing. / This study contains nine chapters. The first chapter would mainly elaborate the definition and origin of Jia-ci, together with a literature review on inscribed bronzes. Motive and methodology of present studies would also be mentioned. Moreover, Jia-ci are the ancients' words of praying with targets of such praying being gods and ghosts. As a result, the second chapter would provide a completely new research on the notion of providence and spirits in the early Qin Dynasty, assisted by the reference to ancient books and related materials from excavations. The third to eighth chapter would have an in-depth study of more commonly found phrases in Jia-ci according to their content types. In turn, the properties of Jia-ci in terms of forms and wordings, together with the reflected beliefs and religious ideas, would be looked into. The contents of Jia-ci in the Eastern Zhou inscribed bronzes can be primarily divided into four types, namely "the quest for health and longevity", "good fortune", "power of nation" and "peacefulness". Those belonging to "the quest for health and longevity" are chiefly "mei-shou", "wan-nian", "yong-shou", "da-shou", "wan-shou", and so on. The quest for "good fortune" includes "dou-fu", "wan-fu", "da-fu", "duo-xi", "fan-xi", and soon. Concerning "power of nation" are "jun-hui-zai-wei", "jun-ling-zai-wei", "bao-yi-X-guo", "X-bang-shi-bao", "pu-you-s i-fang". The quest for "peacefulness" involves such phrases as "kang-he", "kang-xie", "he-hao", "kang-le", "kang-shu". In these chapters, their time of emergence, rules of use, and evolutions of meanings would be respectively looked into. The ninth chapter would be a conclusion on providing a insight into such aspects as the forms, formulation of maxims, relationships with literature handed down to generations, characteristics of those in specific times, properties of those in specific regions, and cultural contents. / 鄧佩玲. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 395-414). / Adviser: Kwong Yue Cheung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0543. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 395-414). / Deng Peiling.

吳茂源. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻 (p. 318-336). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in English. / Wu Maoyuan. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (p. 318-336).