Thesis (PhD(Godsdienswet.))--Universiteit van Pretoria, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 272-299).

Apartheid had long been an everyday practice in South Africa when the NG Kerk threw its weight behind it during the third decade of the twentieth century. However, it did not take long before the church began playing a leading role in this respect. During the fourth and fifth decades many decisions and publications underscored the church's conviction that the policy of separate development was based on Scripture. The South African Government and the National Party Government, in particular, were certain of the co-operation of the NG Kerk not only in the establishment of this policy but also in the extension thereof to cover all the facets of social, economical and political life. Although the NG Kerk, on many occasions, reiterated that the policy should be implemented with justice and compassion, it was always clear that apartheid as a policy that was based on colour could only result in discrimination against, and injustice to, people of colour. This resulted in growing resistance by blacks, coloureds and Indians since the beginning of the century. The resistance increased rapidly after the National Party took over the government of the country in 1948 and proceeded to intensify this policy by applying it to all levels of the political and societal life. On March 21 1960 thousands of blacks marched to the police station in Sharpeville to protest against the pass laws. This resulted in the police killing 69 blacks and wounding 180 in a panic reaction which caused not only a worldwide wave of indignation and protest but also increased racial tension in South Africa. The World Council of Churches in conjunction with the local member churches immediately arranged the Cottesloe Conference to discuss possible solutions to the racial problems. The proposals of this conference which was held in December 1960 met with strong opposition from Government and were eventually completely smothered by the Church leadership. The proposals were unacceptable because they smacked too much of criticism of apartheid. Notwithstanding the strong political and ecclesiastical rejection of Cottesloe, a group of church leaders nevertheless decided to establish the publication Pro Veritate, and soon afterwards the Christian Institute of Southern Africa was founded in an effort to give scriptural witness in South Africa. Pro Veritate, which later served as the mouthpiece of the Christian Institute (CI) and the CI itself, were - since their inception - seen as contentious issues by both the NG Kerk and Government because of the challenge to apartheid. The church immediately instituted strong measures to suppress Pro Veritate and the Christian Institute initiatives. This was applauded from the political side, particularly in the Transvaal, where certain Afrikaans newspapers gave their full support to it. Decisions were taken by the Southern Transvaal Synod to discourage ministers from contributing to Pro Veri tate and to prevent them from becoming members of the CI. The CI leaders, in particular, had to be silenced. After the General Synod finally rejected the Christian Institute, a long and heart-rending history of church persecution of Naude as leader and Engelbrecht as theologian of the CI followed. It all took place within the boundaries of the Parkhurst parish, of which the Naude and Engelbrecht families were members. Parkhurst parish was part of the circuit of Johannesburg. Strong pressure was exerted on the church council of Parkhurst and the circuit of Johannesburg to censure these members in order to silence them. Disciplinary measures had to be employed to get rid of these voices against the policy of separateness. The church leadership played a prominent role in these efforts. In the intensity with which the campaign was waged in and through the circuit of Johannesburg and the Parkhurst parish, it became evident - as nowhere else - how strong the NG Kerk felt about apartheid. When eventually the Government investigated and banned the CI and confined Dr Naude to his home, the church silently acclaimed what was being done. After all, the NG Kerk had from the very beginning not differed from the Government with regard to the CI. The biblical protest of the CI against apartheid was, of necessity, also a protest against the close ties of the NG Kerk with the Government and National Party. With time, however, the CI also moved into a process of politicisation. Black power and black political aspirations became the major driving forces behind the CI. In the middle seventies it became increasingly clear that a strong relationship had developed between the CI and the African National Congress (ANC). The history of the CI ended in immense irony. This organisation which took its stand on Scripture and courageously warned against the support by the church of a political party and structural violence in serving apartheid, ended in close co-operation with the ANC as a political party which committed itself to the armed struggle to overthrow the Government. There was also the irony that in their struggle against the ali gnment of the NG Kerk wi th the political theology to the right, the CI and its director aligned themselves to a South African version of the theology of liberation - a political theology to the left in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ is struck in the heart. And just as the NG Kerk in its political alignment remained silent about the violence of apartheid - so the CI eventually became silent about the violence of the political party in its struggle against apartheid.

Text in English / This dissertation has examined the University Christian Movement (UCM) over its turbulent five year history from 1967 to 1972 in terms of the original hopes of the sponsoring ecumenical denominations. Contextual factors within the socio-political arena of South Africa as well as broader youth cultural influences are shown to have had a decisive influence. These factors help to explain the negative reaction from the founding churches. While this is not a thesis on Black Consciousness, nevertheless the contribution of the UCM to the rise of Black Consciousness and Black Theology is evaluated. UCM is shown to be a movement well ahead of its time as a forerunner in South Africa of Black Theology, contextual theology, feminism, modem liturgical styles, and intercommunion. As such it was held in suspicion. It suffered repressive action from the government and alienation from the churches. Constant cross referencing to other organisations such as the World Student Christian Federation, the National Union of South African Students, the South African Council of Churches, the Christian Institute, and the Sllldents Christian Association, helps to locate the UCM within the flow of contemporary history. The concluding evaluation differs markedly from the report of the Schlebusch Commission by making both critical and positive judgement from the perspective of the UCM as an ecumenical mission to students. / Christain Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

Text in English / This dissertation has examined the University Christian Movement (UCM) over its turbulent five year history from 1967 to 1972 in terms of the original hopes of the sponsoring ecumenical denominations. Contextual factors within the socio-political arena of South Africa as well as broader youth cultural influences are shown to have had a decisive influence. These factors help to explain the negative reaction from the founding churches. While this is not a thesis on Black Consciousness, nevertheless the contribution of the UCM to the rise of Black Consciousness and Black Theology is evaluated. UCM is shown to be a movement well ahead of its time as a forerunner in South Africa of Black Theology, contextual theology, feminism, modem liturgical styles, and intercommunion. As such it was held in suspicion. It suffered repressive action from the government and alienation from the churches. Constant cross referencing to other organisations such as the World Student Christian Federation, the National Union of South African Students, the South African Council of Churches, the Christian Institute, and the Sllldents Christian Association, helps to locate the UCM within the flow of contemporary history. The concluding evaluation differs markedly from the report of the Schlebusch Commission by making both critical and positive judgement from the perspective of the UCM as an ecumenical mission to students. / Christain Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

This dissertation is a biography of Beyers Naude, from his birth in 1915 . until 1977, focusing attention on the period 1963 to 1977, when he was director of the Christian Institute. The study examines how Naude, whose father championed Afrikaans, became a leading minister in the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC). It examines the challenges which confronted Naude over the DRC's support fqr apartheid. The dissertation documents the factors that led Naude to reject apartheid and clash with the DRC, the Broederbond and the National Party government, culminating in his banning in 1977. It assesses the contribution he made to debates on apartheid in church and political circles and explains how he increasingly supported black initiatives to end white rule. The dissertation shows that Naude's background and leadership qualities enabled him to have an impact on the church and political scene as apartheid became a burning issue at home and abroad. / History / M.A. (History)

This dissertation is a biography of Beyers Naude, from his birth in 1915 . until 1977, focusing attention on the period 1963 to 1977, when he was director of the Christian Institute. The study examines how Naude, whose father championed Afrikaans, became a leading minister in the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC). It examines the challenges which confronted Naude over the DRC's support fqr apartheid. The dissertation documents the factors that led Naude to reject apartheid and clash with the DRC, the Broederbond and the National Party government, culminating in his banning in 1977. It assesses the contribution he made to debates on apartheid in church and political circles and explains how he increasingly supported black initiatives to end white rule. The dissertation shows that Naude's background and leadership qualities enabled him to have an impact on the church and political scene as apartheid became a burning issue at home and abroad. / History / M.A. (History)