Bibliography: leaves 436-444. / This is a church historical study and critical theological analysis of the Partners in Mission (PIM) process in the Church of the Province of Southern Africa (CPSA), which uses methods appropriate to such a study. Chapter 1 examines the background against which the PIM process and CPSA's PIM 'Vision' must be seen: Anglicanism, its origins, intentions and mission - and the tension between Anglican identity and contemporary relevance. Chapter 2 traces the process of renewal which has been described as the Anglican Communion's 'coming of age', and identifies some of the themes which were later to become 'The Vision'. The Anglican PIM process emerged out of the church's efforts to adjust to the rapidly changing post-colonial world of the nineteen-fifties and sixties, when Anglican provinces within newly-independent nations could no longer be regarded as inferior to and dependent on the Church of England. A watershed in this quest was the Anglican Congress in Toronto in 1963, when for the first time the equal partnership was articulated in the statement Mutual Responsibility and Interdependence in the Body of Christ (MRI). MRI became a Communion-wide programme which evolved into the PIM process, and together they constitute the Anglican Church's programme of contemporary reform and renewal. The CPSA is a full participant in this PIM process and has held three PIM Consultations, the third of which took place in November 1987 when the church was given the vision to engage in the struggle for the eradication of apartheid and the building of new societies of justice and peace in southern Africa. .In Chapter 3 we examine the Provincial 1987 Consultation, the process which led up to it and the making of The Vision. In Chapter 4 we examine publications and records of the CPSA and correspondence with the Bishops of the Province which describe the implementation of The Vision in the life of the CPSA and its contribution to the church's mission. Chapter 5 is a critical evaluation of the CPSA's PIM process, based on the evidence of the previous chapter. Our conclusion is that The Vision has been only partially implemented because of the church's persistent failure to transform words into actions, poor communication, the failure to focus on priorities, a lack of resources, traditionalism and clericalism in the CPSA, the fear of loss of identity, and a spiritual crisis - much of which points to a lack of appropriate leadership. The consequences of ineffective implementation include the failure of the CPSA as a whole to engage relevantly with the crisis in southern Africa, to express appropriate penitence and make restitution for its part in the sin of apartheid, and to engage in effective evangelism. Chapter 6 is an attempt to see how the CPSA could be renewed by means of a revitalised PIM process, in order to be relevant in southern Africa today. We explore a possible pastoral plan and ways in which the CPSA would benefit from engaging more fully in the 'Kairos' process. The CPSA will contribute to the life and future direction of the Anglican Communion insofar as it is true to its ecumenical calling to witness to the kingdom of God as a part of the church in southern Africa, and the Communion will best serve its members and enable them to discover their true identity by setting them free to be faithful to their mission in their various contexts. Throughout this study we have used primary source documents from the Anglican Communion and the CPSA which tell of the birth, progress an implementation of MRI, PIM and The Vision.

Bibliography: pages 272-287. / This study attempts an analysis of the form and content of the opposition of the Roman Catholic Church in South Africa to the policy and practice of apartheid during the period 1948-1989. It is argued that the divisions, tensions and contradictions of the Catholic Church reflect the socially divided character of the broader society. It is suggested that some of the policies, teachings and social practice of the South African Catholic Church serve to reproduce and reinforce the existing societal relations of domination, thus contributing to the hegemony of the dominant social group, while others undermine the same and point toward a transformation of social relations in a democratic society. In some instances the Church has contributed to the nascent hegemony of the dominated group. Literature focusing on the Catholic Church during times of social upheaval is reviewed. Recent analyses of the role of the Christian Churches in apartheid South Africa are considered. Various approaches to the Sociology of Religion are discussed and the relevance of a contextual approach to the analysis of the Church is argued. Gramsci's concept of hegemony as a tool of political analysis is discussed. A brief .historical overview of the Catholic Church in South Africa is given. It is contended that the Catholic Church in South Africa must be understood in terms of its colonial, missionary and racist history. An ecclesiological overview of the Roman Catholic Church in terms of its - history, traditions, organization, authority structures, governing procedures and beliefs is sketched. The ·social Teaching' of the Catholic Church during the twentieth century is outlined. The importance of the Second Vatican Council, the emergence of the Theology of Liberation and the increasing centrality of social justice in Church teachings is discussed. The implications of these developments for the pastoral practice of the Church is emphasized. The response of the Catholic Church to the introduction and implementation of 'separate development' is considered. Content analysis is used as a research method. The study therefore falls within the realm of hermeneutic or interpretative sociology. The gradual transition from an attitude of paternalism to committed involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle is traced. The Catholic Church's response to the Bantu Education Act, which was the primary focus of its opposition to apartheid in the 1950's, is evaluated. The challenge of the Black Consciousness movement is acknowledged. It is argued that the realities of apartheid society have had a profound impact on the Church, severely compromising its unity. The related processes of reform, repression and resistance are examined. It emerges that while the Church's championship of human rights has been unequivocal, its support for some of the strategies employed in the struggle against apartheid has been more tentative. It is argued that the Catholic Church's participation in the anti-apartheid struggle has facilitated a growth in ecumenism and increased contact with secular organizations. The Catholic Church has become part of a broad anti- apartheid alliance. It is suggested that while there have been important changes in the Church's self-understanding and perception of its role in, and pastoral mission to, society, these changes have been uneven and ambiguous. They have not been reflected throughout the Church and have underlined the divisions within the Church. There has been considerable reluctance on the part of many white Catholics to endorse the anti-apartheid stance of the hierarchy. However, the S.A.C.B.C.'s commitment to social justice is in tune with modern Catholic social teaching. Finally, it is argued that the Catholic Church has challenged white domination and undermined the hegemony of apartheid in South African society.

Submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Theology in the Department of Systematic Theology at the University of Zululand, 2003. / The purpose this thesis is an examination of the impact of the current South African Constitution on the church. The question is whether there is conflict or co-operation between certain provisions of the Constitution and the church as reflected in the word of scripture. The reason for this is that certain sectors of the church expected a Christian rather than a secular state to be established in the new political and constitutional dispensation. Some Christians were also not pleased with the protection in the Constitution of certain practices which are in conflict with Christian values and principles. Some of these are not provided for in the Constitution but in legislation. These include, inter alia, abortion, homeosexuality and pornography. This criticism is based on a misapprehension of the fact that both the secular authorities and the church or alternatively the political kingdom and the kingdom of God are ordained by God. They are mandated by God to perform certain f unctions. The state is representing God in matters of governance, good order justice and peace in the country. God holds it responsible for this. The church is supposed to be responsible for the spiritual and moral life of the people. It has to propagate the gospel of the salvation of humankind and of the coming of the kingdom of God. It is essential that there should be separation between church and state. Not only should there be separation between church and state but there should be structural pluralism. This is so because the state is not omnicompetent and has to allow other structures like the family, the school, the church and the university to play their own roles. Because of the separation between church and state the state should not decide for individuals what to believe or what not to believe. The reason for this is that the state is not competent to decide on what is true religion. It may also manipulate religion for political reasons. This is unacceptable in a democracy. Not only should the state allow freedom of religion, but it should also allow the church or members of the church to manifest their belief by adopting certain stances on issues. Religion has a pivotal role to play and seeks to influence society as a whole. Properly understood, there is no real conflict between the Constitution and the word of scripture. The Constitution provides scope for co-operation between church and state without each taking over the function of the other. The church has more than ample opportunity for propagating the good news of the kingdom of Cod. The Constitution provides for the creation of a democratic state based on the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, free and fair as well as regular elections, adult suffrage, a Bill of Rights policed by a fearless judiciary and a multi-party system. It also promotes openness and accountability on the part of the government These are not in conflict with Christianity. The Constitution also provides for a Bill of Rights which is regarded as a cornerstone for democracy and which protects the rights of the individuals including institutions such as the church. It also stipulates that there be equality before the law and that there should be no unfair discrimination based on the listed grounds. These are compatible with fairness and with Christianity. Christians can play an important role in clarifying the respective roles of the church and state. They can also seek to exercise a positive and constructive influence in the affairs of the country. In this way they can prove to be the real salt and light of the world.

American minister John Graham Lake (1870-1935) was a pivotal participant in an era of profound religious and political transition. Surprisingly, Lake's often provocative life had previously been largely neglected as a field of academic inquiry. In the U.S. Lake associated with key Holiness, Wesleyan and Apostolic Faith charismatics like John Alexander Dowie of the Zion City, Illinois Utopia, Charles Parham of the Topeka Revival and William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival. Lake served as an important intermediary between Parham's often reactionary, white orientation that was unreceptive to an enthusiastic black liturgy and Seymour's expansive African-American egalitarianism expressed through exuberant spirit manifestations. Lake's South African ministry was shaped by his middle class white business background, Azusa Street message and American perspectives. He brought together the faith healing movement inspired by Dutch Reformed minister Andrew Murray, P. Ie Roux's black and white Zion charismatic adherents affiliated with Dowie and the new U.S. Pentecostalism of Parham and Seymour. Lake's African-American influenced Pentecostalism was compatible with indigenous African worship. His emphasis on the spiritual needs of the disempowered found a receptive audience in talented black evangelists Elias Letwaba and Edward Lion. Even though acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi, Lake did not undertake a South African social gospel-type civil protest against societal injustice. In fact, Lake's participation with Afrikaner politicians like Louis Botha in fashioning a segregationist land use law was most troubling. Lake was ambivalent about racial integration. His belief in an egalitarian status for all Christians, his Populist/Progressive ethics and his enthusiastic promotion of women's rights were complicated by his advocacy, or at least tolerance, of some disparate racial treatment in his Apostolic Faith Mission and South African society at large. Lake's paternalism and notion of Westem cultural superiority conflicted with his love of all persons. Lake's otherworldly prioritization of individual spiritualism over a socioeconomic agenda usually stymied activism. His uncharacteristic use of nonviolent protest to protect faith healing formed a remarkable contrast with his reluctance to actively campaign against unequal racial treatment in Africa and America. Historiographical perspectives on Lake range from the saintly pioneer charismatic missionary to the Elmer Gantry type charlatan acting only for personal benefit. Lake was a unique personality with his flamboyant rhetoric, strong convictions and feelings of personal worth. His distinctive Jesus as healing and suffering God theology evidenced both consistency with precedent as well as creative anticipation. Shortcomings resulting from his preference to address social concerns on an individual spiritual rather than societal level, his liberties with truth and his bad business judgments resulting in litigation. Nevertheless, Lake's life demonstrated that a gifted but imperfect instrument could accomplish a meaningful ministry. / Adobe Acrobat Pro 9.5.4 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

Bibliography: leaves 115-131. / This thesis sets out to locate a post-apartheid perspective within what might be described as postcolonial Religious Studies, drawing on the genealogical method of Michel Foucault. Roughly stated, I understand the methodology to represent a shift away from preoccupation with the actual truth or otherwise of an idea, towards concern with the agitation - the discord, the discrepancies - that characterizes the appearance of an idea. Within the parameters, paradigms and possibilities imposed by this method, I inquire into the politics of theistic formulation in South Africa prior to the Union of South Africa (1910). Part One of the thesis discusses the politics of the advent of the Christian God in Southern Africa. In the three chapters that comprise this section, I situate colonial beliefs about God within colonialism as a discursive genre; in particular, evidence is provided of the deployment of religious (and in particular theistic) sensibility as a strategic category in the Othering discourse by which European expansion into Southern Africa was promulgated. Chapter Two opens by observing that colonial constructions of Otherness served not only to "erase" (Spivak) autochthonic identity, but also to eulogize and assert the colonial Self. Contextualizing my argument in the debate about the ambiguous effects of colonial missionary activities, I examine the mythically imbued, Othering discourse of Robert Moffat as a particularly conspicuous instance of the missionary qua colonial Self. Chapter Three gathers the concerns of Part One around the problem of theistic formulation in a colonial context, by discussing John Colenso's discovery of a theistic sensibility indigenous to autochthonic Africans as an example of a transgression of the Christian discourse that colonialism made function as truth. Part Two makes use of the categories established in Part One, and applies them to Afrikanerdom: its Othering in British colonial discourse; its religiously imbued, mythic history; and its beliefs in God. Having brought to theistic formulation a Foucauldian suspicion of systems of truth, my argument turns in Part Three to bring a particular theology, theologia crucis, alongside Foucault: accepting that the "dogmatic finitization" (Wolfhart Pannenberg) of Christian belief is inherently susceptible to the play of power, I observe that theistic formulation cast in terms of the cross - the "Crucified God" (Jurgen Moltmann) - holds a subversive potential in which may lie possibilities for an alternative to "truth".

My duty and aim in the writing of the thesis was neither based on scholarship nor on the fluttering of the dove coates of theological orthodoxy, but on the interpretation of the austere nature of the life of black people under the Nationalist Party rule of Apartheid. My duty, therefore, is that of an interpreter of the situation. There is nothing academic about apartheid. What is there is the monstrous evil perpetuated through the genius of the Afrikaner-Broederbond and the Afrikaans Churches and to a lesser extent by the liberal white community within the confines of South Africa (Introduction, p. vii)

Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts in the subject ETHICS at the University of Zululand, 2008. / The year 2004 marked South Africa's celebration of ten years of democracy as encapsulated by guaranteeing a better life for all. The gap between the rich and the poor as well as moral degradation challenges the euphoria of our young democracy. The South African government's commitment to non-racism, justice, democracy and non-sexism constitutes a centre of values that challenges us all to live better lives. This social-democratic society is a secular expression of a Biblical social vision. Within the juxtaposition of Theopoiitics and secularism, this research explicates the challenges of liberal and secular laws as imposed on a fervently religious country. Theopoiitics, as described as the continual interrelationship between government and church, is firmly cemented in South Africa. Nevertheless, how far would the secular, socialist-inclined government go in distancing itself from religious interference? How willing are churches to move away from a marginalised social agent to become a re-energised moral watchdog? Consequently, South Africa's transformative democracy needs to rediscover its spiritual heritage, while churches and Christianity need to invigorate Theopoiitics to participate in and guarantee the realisation of a just democratic order. This study therefore examines the level of interaction between church and state, specifically the Anglican Church and the Dutch Reformed Church. Furthermore, the degree of representation of church attendants and the electorate, as linked to transformation and their leaders in church and government respectively, are scrutinised. In conclusion, it becomes apparent that Theopoiitics will continue to play a role in the secular South Africa. Church-state relationships will be united in their shared vision of a fair, just and socio-economically viable South Africa.

Text in English / With the start of democracy in South Africa and the end of the legal Apartheid rule, it became apparent to those who identified the church with the liberation struggle that Christian communities had lost their significance in society today. This feeling, although not popular among theologians, became widely held by those who thought that we had arrived politically. This feeling was also supported by views which felt that democracy was the ultimate human form of governance. In this light, it is conceivable for churches to abandon the struggle because of the irrelevance of agitating a form of government that is affirmed and celebrated globally. Also, it became justified to abandon the struggle, if indeed the struggle was against Apartheid, because the enemy had been defeated. Consequently, this meant a withdrawal from siding with those whose rights were marginalised. Such an abrupt withdrawal from championing the rights of those who are marginalised (especially as displayed by the church during the Apartheid era) also raises many concerns pertaining to the role that the churches ought to be playing in the current democratic dispensation. It is also conceivable that the initiative to struggle against Apartheid was motivated only by the fact that the Apartheid regime was unjust and that it discriminated against certain groups of South African citizens. The attainment of liberation in South Africa has plunged churches into an illusion that democratic states are capable of good governance and that when such a government exists, churches can safely concern themselves with their primary ecclesiastical duties—of preaching the Word of God and administering the sacraments and leave the socio-economic and political affairs to those who are governing. It seems that this view is especially prevalent among the constituency of the church that brought forward a theological confession against the theological legitimacy granted to the Apartheid ideology. To unapologetically declare its association with those on the margins, and to defy Apartheid for the evil that it was, this church brought about the Belhar Confession as proof of its allegiance to those on the margins. This study shall confine itself to the realm of the Christian community. It will look to the historicity of the URCSA precisely because it has been bold enough to pen a confession that chastised Apartheid. / Philosophy & Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological ethics)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the history of Israel the concept of "purity" had developed as a way in which God's people could honour his holiness and draw nearer to him, as a sanctified nation. By the time of Jesus, in Second Temple Judaism, the purity system had become restrictive. This had been influenced by political and social developments, including an increased desire to withdraw from Hellenistic and other factors which were seen as contaminating the integrity of Judaism. There were diverse perceptions regarding the achievement of the purity of Israel, including militaristic confrontation and expulsion of alien occupation forces, stricter adherence to the Law and, in some cases, total withdrawal from general society (such as at Qumran). It was, however, particularly the Pharisaic imposition of the supplementary oral tradition, supposed to clarify the written Law, which imposed hardship on those who, through illiteracy or inferior social status, were unable to meet all the minute provisions which would ensure ritual purity. The expansion of the Law of Moses by the commentary of the rabbis, which over time became the entrenched oral "tradition of the fathers", was originally intended to promote access to God by clarifying obscure points of the Law, in the pursuit of purity. However, this oral tradition had, in fact, become an instrument of alienation and separation of the ordinary people not only from the Pharisees, who considered themselves as the religious elite, but also from God. The common people, that is, a large section of the population, felt rejected and on the outside of both religious and social acceptance. On the material level they also suffered under a heavy tax burden, from both Temple and State, which aggravated their poverty. It was this situation which Jesus confronted in his mission to change the ideological climate and to reveal the Kingdom of God as being accessible to all who accepted the true Fatherhood of God, in penitence and humility. He denounced the hypocrisy which professed piety but which ignored the plight of those who were suffering. Hark 7 : 1-23 symbolizes the difference between the teaching and practice of Jesus and that of the Pharisees, and provides metaphorically a pattern of Christian engagement which is relevant in the South African situation today. The Christian challenge is to remove those barriers, both ideological and economic, which impede spiritual and material well-being within society. By active engagement, rather than by retreating to the purely ritualistic and individualistic practice of religion, the realization of the Kingdom of Heaven, as inaugurated by Jesus, will be advanced. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die geskiedenis van Israel het die konsep van reinheid ontwikkel as 'n wyse waarin die die volk van God Sy heiligheid kan eer en tot Hom kan nader, as 'n geheiligde volk. Teen die tyd van Jesus, tydens Tweede Tempel Judaïsme, het die reinheid sisteem beperkend geword. Dit is beïnvloed deur politieke en sosiale ontwikkelinge, insluitende 'n toenemende drang om te onttrek van Hellenistiese en ander faktore, wat beskou is as 'n besoedeling van die integriteit van Judaïsme. Daar was diverse persepsies aangaande die uitvoering van die reinheid van Israel, insluitende militaristiese konfrontasie en die uitwerping van vreemde besettingsmagte, strenger onderhouding van die Wet en in sekere gevalle, totale onttreking van die algemene samelewing (soos by Qumran). Tog was dit in besonder die Fariseërs se oplegging van bykomende mondelinge tradisie, veronderstelom die geskrewe Wet te verhelder, wat ontbering veroorsaak het vir die wat as gevolg van ongeletterdheid of minderwaardige sosiale status nie in staat was om aan elke haarfyn bepaling, wat rituele reinheid sou verseker, te voldoen nie. Die uitbreiding van die wet van Moses deur die kommentaar van die rabbies, wat met verloop van tyd die ingegrawe mondelinge "tradisie van die vaders" geword het, was oorsproklik bedoel om toegang tot God te verseker, deur die verheldering van onduidelike aspekte van die wet, in die nastreef van reinheid. Hierdie mondelinge tradisie het egter 'n instrument van vervreemding geword en skeiding gebring tussen gewone mense en die Fariseers, sowel as die wat hulleself beskou het as die religieuse elite. Dit het egter ook skeiding gebring tussen mense en God. Die gewone mense, dit is die meerderheid van die bevolking, het verwerp gevoel en aan die buitekring van beide religieuse en sosiale aanvaarding. Op materiële vlak het hulle ook gelyonder die juk van swaar belasting, van beide die Tempel en die Staat, wat hulle toestand van armoede vererger het. Dit was hierdie situasie wat Jesus gekonfronteer het in sy strewe om die ideologiese klimaat te verander en om die Koninkryk van God te openbaar as toeganklik vir almal wat die ware Vaderskap van God aanvaar, in berou en in nederigheid. Hy het die skynheiligheid verwerp wat aanspraak maak op vroomheid, maar die toestand van die lydendes ignoreer. Markus 7:1-23 simboliseer die verskil tussen die onderrig en die praktyk van Jesus en dié van die Fariseërs en voorsien metafories 'n patroon van Christelike verbintenis, wat relevant is binne die eietydse Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Die uitdaging aan die Christendom is om die skeidslyne te verwyder, beide ideologies en ekonomies, wat geestelike en materieële welsyn binne die gemeenskap belemmer. Deur aktiewe betrokkenheid, eerder as om bloot te onttrek tot die suiwer ritualistiese en individualistiese beoefening van religie, sal die realisering van die Koninkryk van die Hemel soos ingehuldig deur Jesus, bevorder word.

Text in English / With the start of democracy in South Africa and the end of the legal Apartheid rule, it became apparent to those who identified the church with the liberation struggle that Christian communities had lost their significance in society today. This feeling, although not popular among theologians, became widely held by those who thought that we had arrived politically. This feeling was also supported by views which felt that democracy was the ultimate human form of governance. In this light, it is conceivable for churches to abandon the struggle because of the irrelevance of agitating a form of government that is affirmed and celebrated globally. Also, it became justified to abandon the struggle, if indeed the struggle was against Apartheid, because the enemy had been defeated. Consequently, this meant a withdrawal from siding with those whose rights were marginalised. Such an abrupt withdrawal from championing the rights of those who are marginalised (especially as displayed by the church during the Apartheid era) also raises many concerns pertaining to the role that the churches ought to be playing in the current democratic dispensation. It is also conceivable that the initiative to struggle against Apartheid was motivated only by the fact that the Apartheid regime was unjust and that it discriminated against certain groups of South African citizens. The attainment of liberation in South Africa has plunged churches into an illusion that democratic states are capable of good governance and that when such a government exists, churches can safely concern themselves with their primary ecclesiastical duties—of preaching the Word of God and administering the sacraments and leave the socio-economic and political affairs to those who are governing. It seems that this view is especially prevalent among the constituency of the church that brought forward a theological confession against the theological legitimacy granted to the Apartheid ideology. To unapologetically declare its association with those on the margins, and to defy Apartheid for the evil that it was, this church brought about the Belhar Confession as proof of its allegiance to those on the margins. This study shall confine itself to the realm of the Christian community. It will look to the historicity of the URCSA precisely because it has been bold enough to pen a confession that chastised Apartheid. / Philosophy and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological ethics)