This work seeks to describe and analyze the origins, growth, development, and main features of what can be termed the Methodist Church in the Transvaal Area. Faith in God was the only thing that kept some Christians and Methodists in particular going during those difficult times. Despite a high price to be paid in the struggle, some church groups found it imperative to fight for human liberation as a sign of being obedient to God. This thesis specifically aims at tracing the role played by the Methodist Church in the broader society in the Eastern Transvaal and Swaziland area presently known as the Highveld and Swaziland District looking specifically at the period between 1948 to 1976. The interest is to discover out the Methodist Church's reaction to the introduction and implementation of the apartheid systems. In 1948 the National Party came to power in South Africa bringing with it the formulated policy of apartheid. Any church felt challenged and denied an opportunity to put into action gospel imperatives. During this period the Methodist Church was caught between practicing Gospel imperatives to remain true to herself and being obedient to those in authority to allow herself to be divided along racial lines. For the Methodist Church to claim to be "one and undivided" called for risking to loose properties and being a church without white membership. Interesting enough it was again in the Transvaal in Soweto on the 16th June 1976 when the black students riots marked the turning point in the struggle against apartheid. The social witness of the Methodist Church in the Transvaal during the prescribed period was met with mixed feelings depending as to which side of the fence one found yourself. / Dissertation (MA (Theology))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted

The thesis is a study of the political relevance of the views of Karl Barth on Church and State as they relate to the apartheid State in South Africa. In other words, the thesis deals with the part that should be played by the Church in opposing the demonic power of apartheid. Barth's allembracing theology could be used as a catalyst to expose the evil of apartheid and the way in which this evil could be eradicated, in preparation for a democratic order. In Chapter 1, the investigator argues in favour of the use of a methodology which takes praxis as its focus. This suggests that praxis develops theory and the latter informs praxis. Praxis and theory affect each other, thus creating a circular movement wherein both theory and praxis are both individually necessary (or the development of the other). In Chapter 2, the investigator again describes Barth's early theology. A predominant characteristic of Barth's early theology is its concern about the Word of God as incarnated in Jesus Christ, and the attempt to focus its attention on the plight of workers in the employ of the capitalistic system. As the thesis develops in chapter 3, the researcher further shows Barth's contributions to the struggle between the Church and National Socialism and between the Church and communism, more especially in the countries falling within the communistic bloc. In Chapter 4, the investigator focuses strongly on the struggle of the Church against the tenets of apartheid ideology, using Barth's theology as a mediating voice. At the end of the thesis in chapter 5, the investigator deems it necessary to make suggestions and recommendations to round off the argument begun in the first chapter. The suggestions and recommendations are subjected to what obtains in Barth's theological ethics on the relations between the Church and State. By so doing, the investigator suggests ways and means by which South Africans can successfully work out a constitution which will enable all people in South Africa to prepare themselves for a new dispensation. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

The thesis is a study of the political relevance of the views of Karl Barth on Church and State as they relate to the apartheid State in South Africa. In other words, the thesis deals with the part that should be played by the Church in opposing the demonic power of apartheid. Barth's allembracing theology could be used as a catalyst to expose the evil of apartheid and the way in which this evil could be eradicated, in preparation for a democratic order. In Chapter 1, the investigator argues in favour of the use of a methodology which takes praxis as its focus. This suggests that praxis develops theory and the latter informs praxis. Praxis and theory affect each other, thus creating a circular movement wherein both theory and praxis are both individually necessary (or the development of the other). In Chapter 2, the investigator again describes Barth's early theology. A predominant characteristic of Barth's early theology is its concern about the Word of God as incarnated in Jesus Christ, and the attempt to focus its attention on the plight of workers in the employ of the capitalistic system. As the thesis develops in chapter 3, the researcher further shows Barth's contributions to the struggle between the Church and National Socialism and between the Church and communism, more especially in the countries falling within the communistic bloc. In Chapter 4, the investigator focuses strongly on the struggle of the Church against the tenets of apartheid ideology, using Barth's theology as a mediating voice. At the end of the thesis in chapter 5, the investigator deems it necessary to make suggestions and recommendations to round off the argument begun in the first chapter. The suggestions and recommendations are subjected to what obtains in Barth's theological ethics on the relations between the Church and State. By so doing, the investigator suggests ways and means by which South Africans can successfully work out a constitution which will enable all people in South Africa to prepare themselves for a new dispensation. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

My duty and aim in the writing of the thesis was neither based on scholarship nor on the fluttering of the dove coates of theological orthodoxy, but on the interpretation of the austere nature of the life of black people under the Nationalist Party rule of Apartheid. My duty, therefore, is that of an interpreter of the situation. There is nothing academic about apartheid. What is there is the monstrous evil perpetuated through the genius of the Afrikaner-Broederbond and the Afrikaans Churches and to a lesser extent by the liberal white community within the confines of South Africa (Introduction, p. vii)

Thesis (MDiv (Practical Theology and Missiology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This study is about an investigation in the role of the prophetic voice of the church in a post-apartheid South Africa. In the first chapter I have given a brief description of the history of apartheid as well as a detailed description of the role the church played during these years in South Africa. I also looked at the impact that the Belhar Confession played during this time. In chapter two I have tried to deal with the difficult challenges that faced the church now after democracy and how the voice of the church can be heard in society. I have looked at the different ways that ministers made use of prophetic preaching during the apartheid era. Due to the apartheid system, many people suffered tremendously in this country. During these years of oppression people were leaning heavily on guidance from the church. This was not just for spiritual guidance but people were dependent on the church leaders for emotional support during their hours of need. I have tried to look at the different prophetic voices in the church during these difficult times. In chapter three I have tried to give possible recommendations to assist the church in regaining its prophetic voice in our society. I have looked at several ways in which our congregants could be challenged in terms of prophetic preaching. I have also looked at our understanding of the language of hope and lament. Finally, I have tried to give guidelines in terms of prophetic preaching in our context today.

In this study, the role of selected churches and communities in the development and maintenance of inter-racial relationships, in South Africa‟s racially stratified apartheid society, was explored. The study traced the history of anti-miscegenation attitudes - from the arrival of the Dutch settlers in the Cape in 1652 - and the theological basis upon which the segregation policies of apartheid were built. The focus of the study was on inter-racial couples and children, who survived the turbulent period of apartheid. Respondents were recruited through the use of the snowball sampling method. A semi-structured interview process was the primary tool for collecting data. Nine people, representing six family units were interviewed. The results of the study indicate that some inter-racial families were able to navigate the period of apartheid and to create a counter-culture of resistance to the oppressive legislation, which criminalized their relationships while others struggled under repression. The system was detrimental to all inter-racial relationships. However, Black women suffered more and were often exploited. The level of support from churches and communities was varied but in general, people in inter-racial relationships relied heavily upon select circles of friends and family within their communities, who helped preserve the clandestine nature of their relationships. In some instances, local churches chose to confront the prevailing injustice of apartheid segregation legislation and to help families construct alternative realities, while in other instances, local churches shared in the general race prejudices of the time and did not offer meaningful support. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

Text in Afrikaans, with summaries in Afrikaans and English / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 383-403) / Die woordestryd oor goddelike inspirasie van alles wat in die Bybel staan, as gevolg van die uitgesproke stellings van Johannes Du Plessis, het tot ‘n krisis gelei wat as baken in die annale van die Ned. Geref. Kerk beskou word. Die meeste van sy standpunte word vandag as waarheid aanvaar en hy het bygedra tot die intellektuele debat oor die Bybel as Woord van God wat vandag nog aangaan. Du Plessis se herkoms, opleiding en verdienste as predikant en saakgelastigde van die Kerk word kortliks bespreek. Hy was die talentvolle seun en enigste kind van 'n Afrikaanse predikant en 'n Engelse vrou, die dogter van 'n sendeling van die LMS. Hy word professor aan die Kweekskool en met kennis opgedoen tydens verdere studie oorsee, het hy gewys op dele van die Bybel wat nie aan goddelike inspirasie toegeskryf kan word nie. Hy het dit ook duidelik gestel dat hy as teoloog en leermeester nie kon glo sonder om te probeer verstaan nie. Hy het sy bevindinge bekend gemaak in Het Zoeklicht, 'n maandblad wat bedoel was om as soeklig te dien om verskillende vorms van “duisternis” in beide godsdiens en die politiek, betref, aan die lig te bring. Oortuig van die waarde van die Hoër Kritiek, het hy dit as sy plig geag om wat hy deur wye leeswerk en kritiese ondersoek rakende die oorsprong, vorm en inhoud van die Ou Testamentiese boeke bekom het, bekend te maak. Artikels van dié aard, eers in De Kerkbode en daarna in Het Zoeklicht, het gelei tot beroering onder behoudende lesers wat gekant was teen enige veranderinge in die prediking. Hulle was veral ontstoke oor sy siening dat die belydenisskrifte wat spruit uit die dae van die Hervorming 500 jaar tevore, oop was vir herformulering. Klagtes dat Du Plessis op 'n gevaarlike pad was, was die begin van wat gelei het tot 'n krisis in die Kerk, en uiteindelik tot 'n buitengewone sinode in 1930 toe hy van sy pos onthef is. Die behoudende reaksie van die meerderheid was dat die Bybel die onfeilbare Woord van God is. Die gevolg was dat 'n groot aantal van die leiers van die Kerk, aanhangers van die Nasionale Party wat in 1948 aan bewind gekom het, tekste uit die Bybel gebruik het om die beleid van Apartheid Skriftuurlik te begrond. Ná byna veertig jaar van 'n onkritiese benadering tot die Bybel, is die geloof in 'n foutlose Bybel weer bevraagteken. Tussen die eerlike teoloë wat dit gewaag het om te wys op foute en inkonsekwenthede, was Ferdinand Deist en Willem Vorster. Albei het hulle opleiding as predikante voltooi maar het hulle nie beroepbaar gestel nie omdat hulle met verdere studie voortgegaan het en hulle openlik uitgespreek het teen die misbruik van Bybelse gegewens om apartheid te regverdig. Geskool aan die Kweekskool in Stellenbosch, het Deist hom onderskei as geleerde wat sy drang na dieper ondersoek gepaar het met 'n piëtisme waarop hy uiting gegee het in 'n stortvloed van akademiese en populêre geskrifte ― wat nie altyd gestrook het met sy stelling dat die Woord van God nie met 'n gelyk-aan-teken aan mekaar verbind kan word nie. Vorster, wat sy opleiding aan die Universiteit van Pretoria ontvang het, het ewe bekend geraak en het internasionale erkenning geniet vir sy toepassing van die semantiek op studies van die Nuwe Testament. Daarby het hy sy kennis van die Nabye Oosterse tale toepaslik gevind in sy bydrae tot The New Quest om meer te wete te kom oor die historiese Jesus, 'n Jood en Galileër wat vir 'n kort periode opgetree het as leermeester en eskatologiese profeet. In die studie van bydraes van die drie geleerdes tot ons verstaan van die Bybel, is ook aandag geskenk aan 'n ander aspek van die Bybel as problematiese teks: Die nadruk wat skrywers en redaktors van die Bybelse gebeure, geplaas het op mans as vaders en seuns ten koste van vroue, moeders en dogters. Die gevolg was dat meeste van die sogenaamde Kerkvaders genoeg in die Bybel kon vind om hulle te identifiseer met die neerhalende beeld wat in Die Openbaring (14:3-4) geskep word van vroue, opvallend in stryd met die inhoud van Genesis 1:26-31. / The controversy started by Johannes Du Plessis over the question whether everything in the Bible was inspired by God, caused a crisis in the Dutch Reformed Church, which is listed as a beacon in its history. Most of the points he raised are accepted as truth today, and started an intellectual debate that is still going on. Information relating to Du Plessis’ origins, training, and achievements as a minister and church official is briefly noted. He was the talented son, and only child of an Afrikaner father and minister of religion, and an English mother, the daughter of an LMS missionary. He became a professor at the Seminary in Stellenbosch, after his studies overseas had caused him to question parts of the Old Testament text that could not be regarded as divinely inspired. He also made it quite clear that believing without trying to understand was not possible for him as a theologian and teacher. He proclaimed his findings in Het Zoeklicht, a monthly magazine intended to serve as a searchlight and an organ to reveal the “darkness” that was still prevalent in both religion and politics. Aware of the value of Higher Criticism of the Old Testament, he regarded it his duty to make known what he had found in reading widely and in critical research on the origins, form and content of the books of the Bible. Articles to this effect published first in De Kerkbode and then in Het Zoeklicht, caused an outcry from conservative readers who were opposed to any changes in the teaching of the church. They were especially enraged by his view that the confessions drawn up by Reformers 500 years earlier, were open for review. Complaints that Du Plessis was on a dangerous path, marked the beginning of what was regarded as a crisis in the Church, and in the end led to Du Plessis being relieved of his post by a special Synod convened in 1930. The views of the conservative majority, however, prevailed. As a result, a large number of leading ministers and theologians, who openly supported the Nationalist government that came into power in 1948, provided assurance that the concept of separation of racial groups was in accordance with Scripture. After nearly forty years of an uncritical approach to the Bible, the belief in in-errancy was again questioned. Among the few theologians who dared to point out errors and inconsistencies in various texts, were Ferdinand Deist and Willem Vorster. Both trained as ministers, they chose to continue their studies and openly expressed themselves against the abuse of Biblical texts to support the ideology of apartheid. Trained at the Seminary in Stellenbosch, Deist turned out to be a noted scholar who combined his urge for honest critical study with a pietism expressed in a flood of academic and popular publications ― which were not always consistent with his own statement that The Word of God could not be connected to Scripture with an is-equal-to symbol. Vorster, who received his education at the University of Pretoria, became equally well known as a scholar and gained international recognition for his application of semantics in the study of the Gospels. He also applied his knowledge of languages in what came to be known as The New Quest for the historical Jesus who, as a Jew and a Galilean, distinguished himself during a brief period as a teacher and eschatological prophet. In the study of the contributions of these three outstanding men to our understanding of the Bible, another major aspect of the Bible as problematic text is addressed: The emphasis the authors and redactors of the Scriptures placed on the roles of men, fathers and sons, patently to the exclusion of women, mothers and daughters. As a result many of the so-called Church Fathers found in the Bible sufficient material to look down upon women ― the verdict expressed in Revelations 14:3-4 being one of numerous texts pointing to women as objects of derision in glaring contradiction to the contents of Genesis 1:26-31. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / D. Phil. (Biblical Studies)