Thesis advisor: Richard Lennan / By the time Gregory the Great (590-604) began his ministry as bishop of Rome, the political, economic, and social circumstances in Italy were dire, as evidenced by ongoing barbarian threats, Rome’s failing infrastructure, monuments and aqueducts in need of repair, abandoned farms, and decimated populations. As a result, demands were made on Gregory to tend to both the spiritual and physical needs of the people in Rome and in Italy. I argue that through his actions and writings, Gregory took control of the situation, and transcended pre-established ecclesiastical policies and procedures that permitted religious authorities to enter into political affairs. An examination of the fourth-century paradigm of Ambrose, bishop of Milan, and the fifth-century paradigm of Leo the Great, bishop of Rome, introduces earlier examples in which pastoral leaders became active in state matters. Gregory, while not explicitly stating their influence on him, goes beyond them both and develops a paradigm uniquely his own. Gregory’s eschatology significantly shaped his understanding of the need to be involved in both religious and political matters. In analyzing his Pastoral Rule, Moralia, and homilies on the Gospels and the Prophet Ezekiel, I have identified the virtues and qualities that Gregory felt all pastoral leaders must possess. The resulting profile of leadership emphasizes the moral conduct and the intentionality that those in authority need to operate. Through examining a large selection of his letters, I have been able to present a political theology that was key to Gregory’s entrance into political affairs and his development of social programs that tended to the physical needs of the people. I conclude that Gregory’s profile of leadership and political theology reveal a new paradigm which is his contribution to the ongoing development of the relationship between the Church and the state as both emerge from the age of late antiquity.

Thesis advisor: Dominic Doyle / Moral, aesthetic, and religious pluralism has become a source of disagreement and friction in the modern world. Within the context of modernity and precipitated by the American and French revolutions, liberal democracy has aimed to organize the social and political life of societies in which their inhabitants sustain different, distant, and sometimes contradictory conceptions of the good life. Liberal secular principles have been the framework used to protect fundamental values such us freedom, equality, and mutual respect. In order to preserve the stability of a plural society, liberalism insists that moral and religious convictions must remain a private matter. Democracy and tolerance, it was argued, would be best preserved if religious convictions were removed from the public/political conversation. Yet the debate about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics regularly resurfaces among political and moral philosophers, social theorists, and theologians. / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.

Thesis (D. Min.)--McCormick Theological Seminary, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Izabel Andrade Marson / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T05:05:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Domingos_SimoneTiago_D.pdf: 2432825 bytes, checksum: cbe3b605ef6a092476a5c547859c2954 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Em seus primeiros anos de retorno ao Brasil, os jesuítas se instalaram, primeiramente, em Desterro, a capital de Santa Catarina, para a fundação de um colégio que funcionou até meados de 1855. Em 1867, além da criação de um segundo colégio naquela cidade, obtiveram licença para abrir dois outros estabelecimentos: o primeiro em Itu ¿ o Colégio São Luís, hoje ainda em atividade na capital de São Paulo ¿ e outro em Recife, o São Francisco Xavier, que permaneceu aberto até 1874. O objetivo principal dessa tese é historiar e explicitar as experiências de fixação dos jesuítas no Império (entre as décadas de 1840 e 1870), destacando nesse percurso as dificuldades por eles encontradas, os meios pelos quais se defenderam e, sobretudo, a polêmica que se instaurou sobre o retorno da Ordem, particularmente nas províncias em que tiveram instituições de ensino ¿ Santa Catarina, S. Paulo e Pernambuco. Assim, a tese aborda a história dos inacianos no Império (entre as décadas de 1840 e 1870) e também tem por preocupação relacionar o debate ocorrido no Brasil à discussão internacional que se estabeleceu sobre a Companhia de Jesus. Para tanto, além de explorar a bibliografia existente sobre a Ordem e sobre a política imperial do período, analisa significativo conjunto de matérias publicadas em jornais de expressão que circularam nas citadas províncias. Explora ainda debates em fóruns políticos importantes, em destaque as Assembleias Provinciais e Geral. O intuito foi retomar a argumentação que sustentou a discussão sobre a presença dos jesuítas no Brasil e sua associação com os principais problemas da política imperial naquele período, a exemplo da imigração estrangeira, da liberdade religiosa, dos conflitos entre o clero nacional e o clero ultramontano, das relações entre o Estado monárquico e a Igreja / Abstract: During their first years after they had come back to Brazil, the Jesuits set up their order first in Desterro, the capital of Santa Catarina, where they founded a school which worked until mid-1855. In 1867, besides the creation of the second school in that city, the order got the permission to open two other establishments: the first one in Itu ¿ Colégio São Luís, that is still working but now in the capital of São Paulo ¿ and another one in Recife, São Francisco Xavier, that closed in 1874. The main purpose of this thesis is to relate and to make explicit the Jesuits¿ settlement experiences during the Empire (between 1840s and 1870s), highlighting the difficulties faced by them during that process, the ways they used to defend themselves, and, above all, the polemic created by the return of the religious order, especially in the provinces where the educational institutes were built, e.g. Santa Catarina, São Paulo and Pernambuco. This thesis discusses the history of Ignatians in the Empire (between 1840s and 1870s) as well as linking the discussions which occurred in Brazil with the existing international debate about the Jesuit Order. To this end, besides the examination of the existing bibliography about the Order and about the politics of the Empire at that time, this thesis analyzes a significant set of newspapers which had an expressive broadcast in the provinces mentioned before. This research also explores the debates that happened in important political spaces, in special General and Provincial Assemblies. The aim was to rediscuss the argumentation that supported the debate about the presence of the Jesuits in Brazil and their association with the main political problems faced by the Empire at that moment, for example, foreign immigration, religious freedom, the conflicts between national clergy and ultramontanist clergy and the relation between the monarchal State and the Church / Doutorado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Doutora em História

In recent years, political legitimacy as a concept distinct from full justice has received much attention. Yet in addition to querying the specific conditions legitimacy requires, there is a more general question: What is legitimacy even about? How ought we identify and conceptualize these conditions? According to the regnant justificatory liberal (JL) approach, legitimate legal coercion is based on reasons all reasonable persons can accept and JL is explicated in terms of a hypothetical procedure. Alas, Part I explains why JL is inadequate. First, I argue that it de-legitimizes all coercion. Second, it undercuts the proposition that there are certain basic rights which must be protected for legitimacy. Third, I suggest that JL structurally involves paternalism. Where should theorists turn? My perhaps surprising proposal is that they turn to the Christian Reformed (CR) tradition of social thought. As I take it, this tradition is composed of such figures as Augustine and Calvin, Abraham Kuyper and Herman Dooyeweerd, and, more recently, Francis Schaeffer. It has long theorized such issues as church-state separation and permissible coercion, and is replete with conceptual resources. Thus, Part II reconstructs an alternative legitimacy framework out of these resources. The central CR insight is this: legitimacy is a function of preventing basic wrongs. Legal coercion is only necessary "by reason of sin". I develop this insight in terms of three ideas. First, those wrongs which must prevented as conditions of legitimacy are objective wrongs, obtaining universally regardless of consent. Second, they presuppose some view of basic teleology. A teleological view is needed to elaborate contentful basic rights non-arbitrarily, but only a basic teleological view insofar as legitimacy is distinct from full justice. Third, I suggest these wrongs are fruitfully understood as constituting an exogenous standard, one that is neither the product of actual nor hypothetical self-legislation. Part III brings JL and CR legitimacy into dialogue. Understanding legitimacy in terms of objective, teleological, and exogenous wrongs, respectively, helps us avoid each of the unacceptable consequences of JL covered in Part I. Legitimacy is better conceptualized in CR terms; preventing such wrongs is what legitimacy is about. / Thesis (Ph.D, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2013-11-13 04:18:01.642

Faith-based initiatives have the potential to alter church-state relationships as they remove barriers to the public funding of human services in organizations that promote the role of values, beliefs, and other characteristics of faith. In seeking to "level the playing field" for these faith-based organizations, faith-based initiatives suggest moving away from past practices, where "religious" organizations utilized public funding for the delivery of "secular" human services, and toward the public funding support of organizations whose human service activities are based on faith in a more thoroughgoing manner.This research inquires into meanings assigned to opportunities and risks related to the public funding of faith-based organizations, as articulated by a variety of stakeholders, from government officials to the leaders of faith-based organizations. The guiding research question, What are the meanings of church-state relationships for faith-based organizations?, asks the leaders of faith-based organizations in one Virginia locality, as well as other local, state, and national stakeholders, about their understandings of various aspects of the church-state relationships that develop when faith-based organizations utilize public funds for the provision of human services.The findings of this inquiry, presented in a narrative case study report, and the implications of this case study provide a richer understanding of the multiple meanings that faith-based organizations assign to relationships with government programs, government agencies, and the use of public funds. The multiple meanings of church-state relationships that are offered by diverse research participants provide valuable insights into the complex phenomenon of faith-basis organizations providing human services with government monies. The interpretations offered in this dissertation provide greater knowledge of the role of faith as a basis for publicly funded human services, and furthermore, this knowledge may find value in its recognition of the implications of faith-based, publicly funded human services.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The relationship between church and state in the history of the Kingdom of Lesotho is an important yet neglected study. This thesis explores how this relationship has played itself out with particular interest in contributions made by Catholic and Reformed traditions. These particular approaches to Church and State relations are of particular interest because of the closeness of both churches to the state in Lesotho during different eras and how they influenced the politics and shaped the history of Lesotho as a country. Sesotho culture and tradition versus western tradition and Christianity also comes under the microscope as investigation into the effects of Christianity and Culture. To accomplish the aims of the thesis, viz. a survey of the history of church and state from the time of King Moshoeshoe until the newest situation of an emerging democracy under the monarchy, with conclusions about the road into the future, a literature survey of Lesotho’s history from 1833-2007 has been used. The thesis also places the history of the church in Lesotho within the “mainstream history” of Lesotho as a country. A comparison of traditional approaches to church and state relationships from leading Catholic and Reformed theologians and an assessment of how they played out in the history of Lesotho if they were applied at all. Furthermore, the thesis suggests a new way in which the Church and State can work together in the future so that mistakes of the past do not hinder either party from actively staying relevant and unhindered by the other in carrying out its duties.

This dissertation examines two recent programs for post-secondary Islamic theological training in Europe that aim to produce a new class of professional Islamic scholars for emerging roles within European society. Graduates can use their training and new qualifications to secure advanced professional roles and leadership positions within the Muslim community and the broader society and state. In the process, these graduates develop and define an emergent institutional role for Islamic knowledge and authority in Europe. This study is based in seven months of fieldwork research in 2017 at two centers for higher Islamic education, including participant observation within classrooms and interviews with students, faculty and alumni. Founded in 2009, the Cambridge Muslim College in Cambridge, England is a small private school that provides professional training for about a dozen graduates of the many Islamic seminaries in the UK. Founded in 2012 with support from the German state, the Center for Islamic Theology at the University of Tübingen provides Islamic theological training to hundreds of undergraduate and graduate students each year, many of whom have received no prior formal Islamic education. In addition to the institutional differences between the schools, their graduates enter into different job markets. Where the British graduates must develop new entrepreneurial roles for Islamic leaders in the UK, the German graduates become the skilled workforce to meet existing demand for public school Islam teachers, academic theologians and professional chaplains. Comparing these two educational programs—one private, the other public—this dissertation explores how the position of each school vis-á-vis the Muslim community and the state shapes the construction of scholarly authority and the professional outcomes of the graduates. It finds that students at each school leverage their new authority to formulate creative programs of Islamic reform that justify and promote new roles for professional Islamic scholars within both the Muslim community and the larger society. Drawing upon current scholarship about Muslim identity, Islamic authority and secularism in Europe, this study considers how prevailing national discourses that marginalize Muslims in Europe shape students’ creative programs of reform and so also the future institution of Islamic knowledge in Europe. / 2022-09-30T00:00:00Z

This dissertation presents an overview of Church- State relations in Mexico from 1924 to 1938. It examines the actions and motives of prominent national leaders, the papacy, the episcopate, and the Mexican citizenry to determine justification and culpability. This dissertation presents several conclusions. When Calles enforced the anticlerical provisions of the Constitution of 1917, the clergy withdrew from the churches in protest. The episcopate as a body bore a moral responsibility for the Cristero rebellion that resulted, but avoided implication in the movement. Because the Church's supporters were in the minority, that institution in 1929 accepted a settlement requiring clerical obedience to the constitution. Churchmen consoled their parishioners with the thought that the Church would rise again.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a origem e os fundamentos históricos dos movimentos em defesa da utilização de recursos audiovisuais na educação. A partir do contexto histórico-cultural em que se situa o sistema educacional brasileiro, procura-se resgatar no período compreendido entre 1920 a 1940, a história dos projetos educacionais que buscavam integrar os meios de comunicação e a educação.. Nesse período surgiram as primeiras teorias e discursos favoráveis ao emprego do rádio e do cinema na política educacional brasileira. O cinema emergiu como objeto de importância fundamental nesta pesquisa porque, enquanto imagem-movimento ou projeção animada (SERRANO, Jonathas & VENÂNCIO FILHO, 1930), foi motivo de amplas discussões por parte dos escolanovistas, na primeira metade do século XX, que enfatizavam a sua eficiente contribuição no processo ensino-aprendizagem e na formação da mentalidade no contexto educacional. Por outro lado, sob o ponto de vista da Igreja Católica e do Estado Novo tal aparelho ideológico de informação (ALTHUSSER, Louis, s.d.), poderia difundir a ideologia de reconstrução social e nacional. Esta pesquisa foi direcionada por uma concepção de totalidade, buscando-se compreender a construção histórica das relações Cinema/Educação/Igreja/Estado. A periodização (1920-1945) se justifica porque nessa época, foram encontrados os primeiros debates e críticas a respeito do mau uso do cinema e paralelamente o surgimento da necessidade de se aplicar a cinematografia à educação e consequentemente nas práticas pedagógicas escolares, tendo em vista a veiculação do processo de disciplinarização, moralização, higienização da sociedade, especialmente da juventude, bem como a efetivação do projeto de reconstrução nacional, voltado para a formação de uma coletividade histórica e para a consolidação do nacionalismo. / This thesis aims to analyze the origin and historical background of the movements in defense of the use of audiovisual resources in education. From the historical and cultural context in which lies the Brazilian educational system, seeks to rescue the period 1920-1940, the history of educational projects seeking to integrate the media and education. During this period, the first two theories and speeches in favor of the use of radio and film in Brazilian educational policy. The film emerged as crucial object in this research because, while \"movement-image\" or \"animated projection\" (SERRANO, Jonathas & SON VENÂNCIO, 1930), was subject of extensive discussions by the New School in the first half of the twentieth century which emphasized its efficient contribution to the teaching-learning process and the formation of mentality in the educational context. On the other hand, from the point of view of the Catholic Church and the New State such \"ideological apparatus of information\" (Althusser, Louis, s.d.) could spread the ideology of social and national reconstruction. This research was directed by a totality of design, seeking to understand the historical construction of relations Movie/ Education / Church / State. The periodization (1920-1945) is justified because this time, the first debate and criticism about the \"misuse of cinema\" were found in parallel the emergence of the need to apply the cinematography education and consequently in teaching practices, and a view to serving the process of \"disciplining\", \"moralizing\", \"sanitization\" of society, especially the youth, as well as the realization of the national reconstruction project, aimed at the formation of a historical society and the consolidation of nationalism.