In this study, an attempt is made to discover evidence of the presence of a national strategy for urban growth during the period from 1945 to 1969. Data for this examination consists of the federal throne speeches of the period, a selection of major pieces of federal legislation, and the debates in the House of Commons concerning this legislation. A basis for discussion is laid by an examination of the nature of urban growth strategies, the state of theory explaining urban and regional development, and a brief discussion of the experience of selected foreign countries in national urban growth strategy. Results of the examination of the speeches, legislation, and debate are presented in detail in two appendixes, while more general summaries appear in the main body of the paper. A conception of the fragmented nature of the phenomena studied emerges in relation to both housing and urban development policy, and area and regional development policy. However, a steady broadening of the perspective of the federal government is noted in both areas, which is a prerequisite for an effective national strategy. It is concluded that these two areas of federal policy concerning the distribution of activity in space have yet to be merged into a comprehensive strategy, and that the government has not yet considered introducing a regional dimension into the entire range of its activities. Thus, the evolution of national urban strategy in Canada continues, and suggestions for future research are offered / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Despite the presence and growth of urban planning, urban problems persist and in some instances are worsening. A major problem of urban planning appears to be an inability to achieve a high level of accomplishment. Urban planning in Canada was examined by the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development in 1969. They found it to be reactive, negative, without sociological or ecological concerns, and lacking in vision. These judgments are intuitive and require verification, but no empirical evidence is available on the practice of Canadian urban planning. The objective of this study, therefore, is to provide empirical evidence on the practice of urban planning in Canada in 1970 as a basis for its further assessment. To guide this study, the following hypothesis was tested: that the practice of urban planning in Canada follows the traditional model (physical orientation, reliance on long range plans, and an apolitical stance). A three stage approach was adopted to test the hypothesis and describe the practices examination of 1. procedural variables, 2, external variables, and 3. planning decisions. Procedural and external variables were identified from theoretical literature and empirical studies done in the U.S.A. Data was collected through a questionnaire mailed to the 7k urban planning directors in Canada of which 53 responses were received. For further understanding of the practice, three hypotheses about the determinants of the practice were tested using the Chi-square statistic (the practice is determined by 1. location of the agency, 2. local power structure, and 3. a complex of variables). In search of a more definitive explanation, a multivariate statistical technique was applied to the data. Lastly, an analysis of the important planning decisions over the past five years was made. This study has found that the traditional hypothesis cannot be accepted. Rather the practice has been modified in a complex way which de-emphasizes comprehensive planning, new ideas and the apolitical stance, and places new emphasis on physical development, zoning and subdivision regulations. Furthermore, Canadian, urban planning has not met urban problems because it has a limited approach. This limited approach has not been fully recognized or appreciated which leaves a void in the total planning spectrum. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning

This thesis examines the production of space in Canadian cities since World War II. It is hypothesized that there has been a considerable shift in the city building process (encompassing the fields of planning, architecture and urban design) over the last two decades (1970-1990), and that new types of urban landscapes are being created, often very different than those built during the immediate post-war era (1950-1970). This shift is often described in academic literature as the move from the modern to the postmodern city. The approach adopted in the thesis is to examine the modern postmodern distinction from a design perspective. Academic literature in planning, geography and architecture, and observations from Canadian urban landscapes were sources used to gather information on the modern/postmodern distinction. These sources suggest that modern design principles produced functional landscapes (where form follows function), and that postmodern design principles are creating spaces that are both functional and "funky". Seven specific design principles are useful in describing the modern/postmodern distinction: the level of diversity, the level of exteriorization, the relation to nature, the level of decoration, the relation to urban history, the relation to urban context, and the scale of development. A case study of plans for downtown Vancouver since World War II was used to verify the findings from the literature and observations from Canadian urban landscapes. Two plans were chosen from the modern era (1956 and 1964 reports) and two from the postmodern era (1974 and 1991 reports). Four of the seven shifts in design principles were supported, and a further two were in evidence, though only in an implicit manner. The case study thus upholds the findings derived from the literature and observations from Canadian urban landscapes. It is suggested that the understanding of the shift from modern to postmodern design principles will help planners gain a better grasp on the current planning context, and hence be better suited to plan in an effective manner in today's "postmodern" world.

This thesis examines the production of space in Canadian cities since World War II. It is hypothesized that there has been a considerable shift in the city building process (encompassing the fields of planning, architecture and urban design) over the last two decades (1970-1990), and that new types of urban landscapes are being created, often very different than those built during the immediate post-war era (1950-1970). This shift is often described in academic literature as the move from the modern to the postmodern city. The approach adopted in the thesis is to examine the modern postmodern distinction from a design perspective. Academic literature in planning, geography and architecture, and observations from Canadian urban landscapes were sources used to gather information on the modern/postmodern distinction. These sources suggest that modern design principles produced functional landscapes (where form follows function), and that postmodern design principles are creating spaces that are both functional and "funky". Seven specific design principles are useful in describing the modern/postmodern distinction: the level of diversity, the level of exteriorization, the relation to nature, the level of decoration, the relation to urban history, the relation to urban context, and the scale of development. A case study of plans for downtown Vancouver since World War II was used to verify the findings from the literature and observations from Canadian urban landscapes. Two plans were chosen from the modern era (1956 and 1964 reports) and two from the postmodern era (1974 and 1991 reports). Four of the seven shifts in design principles were supported, and a further two were in evidence, though only in an implicit manner. The case study thus upholds the findings derived from the literature and observations from Canadian urban landscapes. It is suggested that the understanding of the shift from modern to postmodern design principles will help planners gain a better grasp on the current planning context, and hence be better suited to plan in an effective manner in today's "postmodern" world. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Through the centuries, urban form has developed in both a planned and a spontaneous way. In the Greek, Roman, Renaissance and Baroque periods there were some planned towns but the majority developed without following a predetermined pattern. [...]

Canadian planners face an uncertain future. The communities which planners serve are experiencing significant change and seeking answers to the environmental, economic, and social factors affecting them Planners have been disparaged publicly and in writing by prominent popular writers, criticized by planning theorists, reproached by politicians and the public, and challenged from within and outside the profession to explore new ways of addressing the issues facing society. While planners have been caught up in those debates and issues, no one has asked planners what they think about the future of their profession. This study examines the state of Canadian planning^ asks practitioners what they think about their profession, and identifies the factors which affect the work of planners. The study is based upon a review of planning literature and a survey of Canadian planners. The literature review examines others' -mainly planning theorists'- primary research to explore the historic relationship between planners and city building and the influences of that relationship upon modem planning thought and practice. The study also reviews the evolution of modem planning theory and modern planning practice. The examination of the history and theory of planning provides a context for the exploration of practitioners' views of the nature and status of planning in Canada. The focus of the study is an analysis of the views of Canadian practitioners on the current state of planning. Five hundred and two questionnaires were sent to a random sample of members of the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP), representing 14% of the Provisional and Full members. One hundred and tiiirty three or 27% of the sample responded. The results provide a detailed understanding of what Canadian planners identify as the issues facing Canadian planning practice. The study confirms that a majority of Canadian planners believe that planning practice is facing or is in a state of crisis. They suggest that the crisis is caused by a number of factors such as the political nature of planning decision-making, lack of public understanding of planning, and lack of understanding of planning by politicians. Many planners feel that planning is compromised by the politics of place and that, more and more, planning is facing conflicts of competing interests. In the face of those pressures, planners believe that most planners have become agents of order rather than agents of change. They suggest that the future of planning rests in identifying appropriate new concepts of planning action. A large number also believe that there is a weak linkage between the theory and practice of planning which threatens the well being of planning practice. Building upon the findings of the survey and Len Gertler's 1994 challenge to the Canadian Institute of Planners to identify a "more appropriate development model," the study suggests that a "new development model" could reinvigorate Canadian planning and build effective linkages between theory and practice. The study suggests the evolving concepts of healthy communities and sustainable development could provide a framework for such a model which could have a social reform and interventionist approach to community-based action. The dissertation offers suggestions on the potential form of the model and the role that the Canadian Institute of Planners could play in articulating it.

Downtown areas across Canada have been deteriorating physically and economically due to a number of factors such as age, suburban growth, and shopping centre development. Downtown revitalization programs were created in response to this deterioration. In the last decade millions of dollars have been spent, by all levels of government and the private sector in an attempt to achieve revitalization. More than five hundred revitalization projects have been undertaken. However, few project evaluations have been completed. Project evaluation is necessary to determine which program components are effective, to clarify goals and to provide accountability. The purpose of this thesis is to develop improvements in downtown revitalization project evaluation concepts and tools. Interviews with administrators from five downtown revitalization programs revealed that most projects cannot be evaluated at present because the majority of administrators have yet to identify performance measures. The few evaluations that do exist were not adequately controlled and do not provide compelling evidence that any economic changes that occurred can be attributed to the revitalization project. This thesis focuses on two research objectives. The first is to identify performance measures and methods of data collection. This in turn, requires an examination of program goals and components. The methods exployed to collect this information included: a review of academic literature on downtown revitalization and evaluation methodology; a review of agency literature and current evaluations for five Canadian revitalization programs; interviews with program administrators; and a survey o-f program clients and administrators. The second objective o-f this thesis responds to the need -for assessing the effectiveness o-f program components. Municipal officials and business representatives in one hundred and eleven Canadian communities which undertook revitalization projects were surveyed in order to determine current revitalization practices and client perspectives on which program components are effective. Their opinions and recommendations provide an interim answer, to be revised as more evaluations are undertaken. The survey findings indicate that the typical approach to downtown revitalization has broadened beyond physical improvements to include promotional activities and organizational development. However, respondents identified the need for further assistance in the initial planning process and the development of marketing plans. Recommendations for improvements to the revitalization programs in this study are proposed in order to address these needs. In addition, the survey results reveal how program administrators and clients prioritize goals and which performance measures they prefer. Finally, the input from the surveys, the literature review, the interviews and the author's experience in the field are used to determine a descriptive framework for downtown revitalization project evaluation. Performance measures, data sources, and collection methods are specified. The importance of using a systematic approach to evaluation, as well as collecting data for control groups is stressed. This evaluation framework is intended to assist program administrators and community groups interested in evaluating downtown revitalization projects. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

The purpose of this thesis is to examine a new approach to planning as advocated by Ron Clark, the Director of Planning in Regina from 1976 to 1980. Compared to the traditional planning role, Clark outlined an activist orientation to planning based on the following five strategies. It was short term and issue oriented as opposed to "master" planning, policy planning versus reactive and regulatory planning, public participation rather than planning for private interests, and political intervention instead of a passive and non-controversial role. The study reviews the relevant literature to develop a theoretical perspective on the urban planner's role. The traditional approach to planning, the rational comprehensive model, is examined along with two basic reforms to this model in order to contrast the planning style advocated by Clark. Next, theoretical concerns regarding each of Clark's strategies are outlined. A case study of the inner city is the basis for analyzing the extent to which these strategies were put into practice. In addition, the formulation of Regina RSVP, a municipal development plan for the City, is examined to ascertain the extent of public input as the latter strategy was to be a major feature of planning in Regina. The study concludes that Clark was successful in introducing a new planning process to Regina. This was reflected in city council's support of Regina RSVP. Rather than being a traditional land use plan, RSVP documents presented a strategy for public planning, described major and emerging issues confronting the City, and offered policy objectives for resolving these issues. In the process, a model for the future development of Regina emerged. The case study on inner city planning clearly showed that Regina planners were successful in implementing their strategies. Planning staff and community groups identified pressing inner city problems, short term action was taken, planning was policy oriented, there was a considerable amount of community level participation, and Regina planners were activists in terms of both initiating action and lobbying for the implementation of planning goals. However, the study also found some limitations in the application of these strategies. With respect to Regina RSVP, public participation was not initiated at an early stage of the planning process. There was a lack of documented evidence on many inner city problems or research on viable growth alternatives. Lastly, the strategies of political intervention and public participation create potential role conflicts as to who should initiate planning goals. Two external constraints which reduced the effective application of these strategies also became apparent. First, policy planning at the local level is difficult due to the dominant role of the provincial government. Secondly, planners are constrained in making long term improvements as their legitimacy has been limited primarily to technical matters. Local planners are unable to make any basic changes as they have little power to influence social and economic trends. At best, they can support programs that alleviate some of their worst effects. This case study has illustrated an approach to planning that re-defined the planner's role beyond the traditionally passive and technical role critics have claimed characterize the profession. Regina planners were largely successful in implementing their strategies. Because the approach used in Regina went well beyond basic reforms to the profession, and proved to be implementable, the strategies of short term action, issue orientation, policy formation, public participation, and political intervention should be used by other urban planners in Canada. If planners want to assume a more influential role in city development, there will have to be more discussion on the practice and function of the planning profession. Planning education should also reflect a more responsible role for planners. The values and purposes of planning should be stressed over technical competency. An understanding of who and what we are planning for is more important than achieving proficiency in using planning tools. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Urban and regional planning is now accepted as a legitimate function of government. But the evolution of Canadian planning from its inception at the turn of.the century to its new-found status as an objective technical exercise has been a profoundly complex process involving questions about the very nature of society. This thesis is an attempt to trace the development of the theory and practice of planning from its controversial beginnings at the turn of the century to its final acceptance as a necessary and desirable function of the state. At the beginning of the century it became clear that the rapid pace of urbanization and the capitalist institutions of private property and unregulated private markets were in serious conflict. The new urban, industrial order that accompanied capital accumulation was plagued by interdependences and interactions which made the unrestricted use of property an antiquated and dangerous illusion threatening the physical health of the population, the efficiency of the urban system, and the social stability of the entire society. Canadians responded to this conflict in three distinct and somewhat contradictory ways. One approach which was advocated by agrarian radicals was to implement reforms in Canadian society in order to revitalize rural life and reverse the undesirable trend of urbanization. The second approach, which was advocated by urban liberals, was to accept urbanization as both desirable and inexorable and to accommodate it by initiating limited reforms while still preserving the basic features of capitalism. The third response, advocated by urban radicals, was to accept urbanization as inexorable and to restructure capitalist institutions which were inimical to the sorts of government planning they thought was necessary to manage the new urban order. Urban and regional planning was considered as essential by all these groups. After going through several initial stages of development, a comprehensive body of planning theory which appealed to all three groups was formulated by leading Canadian planners such as Adams. This theory integrated the aesthetic concerns of city beautiful planning, the efficiency concerns of American city planning, and the equity concerns of British town planning. The theory envisaged a strong role for the state in controlling property and providing housing. By the twenties, the consensus that had formed around this theory of planning collapsed due to a gradual amelioration of urban problems and an overt confrontation between liberals and urban and agrarian radicals. During the twenties a new, more conservative theory of planning developed which emphasized the protection of private property and the provision of public infrastructure to accommodate private accumulation. Planners became allied with real estate interests who were eager to use zoning and other powers of the state to their advantage. With the collapse of the economy in the thirties, the latent ideological conflicts which had been submerged in the twenties reappeared with renewed vitality. The urban and agrarian radicals joined forces to form a socialist party dedicated to eradicating capitalism and replacing it with a planned economy. Liberals were forced to formulate a new system of both managing the crisis and preserving capitalism. Gradually they developed a new consensus that was based on the three principles of Keynesian stabilization policies, social welfare and sectoral planning for those areas of the economy plagued by market failures. Housing and land were defined as one of the sectors of the economy affected by market failures. Major government reports defined a new postwar system of urban and regional planning to mitigate these failures in land and housing markets. The reports were highly critical of the type of planning existing in the twenties, and proposed a new more comprehensive system of planning and of controls over property. The urban liberals, however, who were the dominant group, were apprehensive about the increased role of the state envisaged in these reports. Consequently, they only partially implemented the recommended reforms. Urban and regional planning, although strengthened, was ultimately subordinated to the interests of private markets and property. It again became a passive system of regulation providing necessary services to accommodate private expansion and regulations to enhance property rights. Nonetheless, its strengthened position ensured that the worst features of development were eliminated. The tendency of liberal planning to shift back and forth between more aggressive intervention during times of crisis and very passive intervention during times of stability has meant that, because of the long lag times between the emergence of crisis and the creation of plans and institutions capable of managing the crisis, Canadian planning has been strongest after the crisis has already subsided or when it has changed form. Consequently, the ability to plan has been highest when the need to plan has been lowest. One question raised by the thesis is why the more passive liberal approach to planning emerged as the dominant one.. It is argued that this is due, in large part, to Canada's unique character of economic development and class structure. Unlike countries such as Britain which developed more socialist modes of planning, urbanization in Canada was accompanied by a rapid expansion in agriculture and staple industries. Consequently, the Canadian response to development was logically divided between urban and rural concerns. Canada's industrial capitalist class and working class which were both promoting more aggressive urban planning were too weak to have much influence. The more powerful agrarian radicals and mercantile capitalists were able to direct attention away from the emerging urban problems to rural and resource issues which directly affected them. In the end, the urban liberals were successful in resolving the conflict between urbanization and capitalist institutions. Limited acceptance of urban and regional planning allowed for the successful management of urban problems within the framework of capitalist institutions. Whether it will continue to be successful in doing this only time will tell. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate