The efforts of Republican congressional leaders to secure passage of civil rights measures during the 1960's will be emphasized in this thesis. Also, an effort will be made to present objectively the views of Republican congressional leaders toward civil rights measures and to show how they contributed, in the day-to-day legislative proceedings, to the passage of these measures.

An understanding of the development of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 from its beginnings in the Senate to its culmination in April necessitates a few brief statements concerning the condition of the nation and the relations between the President and Congress.

This dissertation is a social and legal history of one of Iowa's most controversial sex discrimination cases. The study examines the 1979 civil rights complaint of Linda Eaton, Iowa City's first woman firefighter--a white, working-class, single mother who did not consider herself a feminist. Eaton made national news and became the focus of an intense local debate when she was threatened with dismissal for breastfeeding her baby at the fire station. The president of La Leche League spoke out on her behalf, while the local chapter of NOW established a legal defense fund and spearheaded a year-long campaign of support. Mining the personal documents of community members, and using oral history interviews, manuscript collections, and legal documents, this study elevates the importance of grassroots action by demonstrating that local women's sex discrimination complaints and lawsuits were central to the dramatic transformation of workplace policies that began across the U.S. during the 1970s. This study foregrounds the relationship of Eaton's case to Iowa City's vibrant 1970s feminist community, and to national politics. The controversy over Iowa's breastfeeding firefighter reflected and contributed to national struggles over the meaning of gender equality, particularly the complex debates about affirmative action and the Equal Rights Amendment. Because she drew support from both the feminists of NOW and the maternalists of LLL, Eaton's case highlights the problematic intersection of paid and domestic labor in women's lives, especially those of working-class women. Eaton's case critiques the masculine ideal worker standard and makes a bid for working conditions that accommodate women's biosocial role in reproductive labor. This project draws upon previously unavailable records to offer an historical account of the first career women firefighters in the U.S. that identifies the resistance these women met as they encountered the masculine culture of firefighting in the 1970s. It highlights both the strengths and weaknesses of using law to eliminate sex discrimination in the workplace by constructing a vivid portrait of women's slow and painful struggle for full economic citizenship.

This thesis examines the role of interpretation in legal encounter in Lexington, Kentucky. Through an analysis of legal and interpretation practices, this study seeks to ascertain how these practices may affect non-native or low-proficiency English speakers’ (LLPs) experiences with both federal and local laws and legal spaces. This place-based study involves in-depth qualitative research. Using the methodological framework of feminist geo-jurisprudence, this research contributes to our understanding of 1) the limits of the publicity of legal space and, more specifically, the ways in which language barriers can prevent legal inclusion; 2) local strategies and tactics for dealing with the challenges to meaningful access before the law in terms of language as outlined by Title IV of the 1964 U.S. Civil Rights Act; 3) the broader implications of language access for immigrants and non-citizens at the intersection of legal discourse and society (discursive legal space). Furthermore, this research addresses the absence and presence of hospitality (Derrida, 2005) from this site of citizenship negotiation, and it addresses the ethics of hospitality behind the work that attempts to resist legal closure and to enforce laws that protect, rather than persecute, those facing language barriers.

En 1948 le Président Harry S Truman signe le "Women’s Armed Services Integration Act". Cette loi est en fait le fait d’armes de Margaret Chase Smith, sénatrice et représentante de l’état du Maine. En 1948, à travers le" Women’s Armed Services Integration Act" Madame Smith met en avant ces milliers de femmes qui, après l’enrôlement obligatoire pour cause de deuxième guerre mondiale, voient en l’armée une nouvelle carrière qui s’ouvre à elles. Seule femme ayant été élue, sous la bannière républicaine, à la Chambre des représentants et au Sénat de son propre chef, Margaret Chase Smith rencontre le sénateur Joseph McCarthy, « grand ordonnateur » des audiences du HUAC dans les années 50, lors d’un dîner informel. Les Américaines s’organisent aussi pour leurs droits, sur le plan syndical les années 50 peuvent bien être la “missing wave” clamée par l’historienne Dorothy Sue Cobble. Cette thèse, ayant pour toile de fond l’étude de cas de deux cents femmes interrogées par le HUAC de McCarthy, met en lumière, de façon significative, les individus et les militantes, femmes réelles qui sont les principales protagonistes des changements historiques, notamment une égalité à travers le Civil Rights Act de 1964. Comme la « micro histoire » de l’école italienne dont les chercheurs étudient ces nouveaux acteurs de l’Histoire, appelés de manière suggestive « les gens ordinaires », ce présent travail sur le maccarthysme se penche sur des individus représentatifs de leur genre, de leur race et de leur combat. Ainsi, cette démarche s’inscrit dans la perspective de la Nouvelle Histoire que le Professeur Paul-Marie Veyne définit comme représentative des « dimensions collectives de l’individu. » Les audiences du HUAC et de McCarthy, tenues de 1950 à 1954, dévoilent les histoires de divers citoyens, plus précisément de citoyennes obligées de se démener pour améliorer leur condition de vie. Mille trois cent cinquante-deux livres, trois cent douze articles de Presse et une centaine d’articles universitaires portant sur le maccarthysme peuvent être répertoriés de nos jours, mais rares, sinon aucune de ces analyses ne mettent en avant le rôle des femmes appelées devant le HUAC et les Commissions d’enquête sur le communisme dans les années McCarthy... / In 1948 President Harry S Truman signed the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act". This law is in fact an exploit of Senator Margaret Chase Smith, representing the state of Maine. In 1948, through the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act", Mrs Smith proposed a career to those thousands of women who saw in the army a new horizon. Only woman having been elected under the Republican banner, in the House of Representatives and the Senate, Margaret Chase Smith met Senator Joseph McCarthy, at the head of the HUAC in the Fifties. While servicewomen benefited from the" Women's Armed Services Integration Act", the other american women organized for their rights, especially through trade unions. Feminine activism was alive in the Fifties which can be seen as the “missing wave” coined by historian Dorothy Sue Cobble. This thesis, having as background the case study of some 200 women, sheds light on individuals, real women who were the main characters of historical change, namely an equality achieved through the Civil Rights Act. As the “micro histoire” of the Italian school whose researchers study these new actors of history, called “ordinary people”, this present work on McCarthyism leans on individuals representative of their gender, their race and their fight. Thus, this approach falls under the prospect for New History which Professor Paul-Marie Veyne defines as representative of “collective dimensions of the individual.” The investigations of HUAC presided by McCarthy, in the Fifties, reveal the stories of various citizens, especially women always in a struggle to lead a better life. One thousand three hundred and fifty-two books, three hundred and twelve newspaper articles and a hundred university articles concerning McCarthyism can be listed, but scarcely, if not none, of deal with the role of women called before the HUAC and the Committees of inquiry on Communism in the McCarthy years...

Equal Employment Opportunity laws are a relatively new construct within the framework of American legal history. This area of law, however, has experienced significant development within a relatively short span of time. Over the last half-century, the Supreme Court of the United States has handed down several landmark decisions, clarifying the law as to what constitutes sexual harassment, and in which circumstances employers can be held liable for the harassing actions of employees. The purpose of this thesis is to examine this development, and to assess the question of whether the awards given to male victims of workplace sexual harassment are comparable to the awards given to female victims.

This study compares USA and Swedish laws on Native Americans and Sami. Indigenous peoples are known to have inadequate rights because they are discriminated against. This is why the study has focused on examining what their rights look like and whether it is the implementation of the laws that has caused the high risk of discrimination. The study has focused on three areas: discrimination, self-determination and assimilation. the study has been based on these three areas when we look at the laws to see how it is in these areas among indigenous peoples. The approach will be to review the laws and compare them with similar laws in both countries, to see what similarities and differences there are around the laws of indigenous peoples. The different laws that the study will be going through in Sweden are Nationella minoriteter and minoritetspråk, Rennäringslagen and Sametingslagen and the US laws are the General allotment act, the Indian civil rights act, the Indian reorganization act and Native American language act. The results showed that the laws have some similarities but also large differences, because of the different forms of governments the countries have. One example of this is in the USA they have allot of power far down among the levels such as the states themselves and Native Americans own governments and courts, where they have the power to judge people and enforce laws. In Sweden the largest power exists in the parliament and the Sami there for do not have their own courts or governments where they have the power that Native Americans have. It also showed that many of the laws have changed some over the years, some more than others, but it turns out that it does not matter so much when they still have not made enough significant changes that help the indigenous peoples.

This qualitative case study was designed to determine the perceptions about female leadership among female faculty and administrators at East Tennessee State University. Participants were asked about the motivating and prohibiting factors (barriers) that affected their leadership capabilities at the institution. They cited motivating factors that led them to optimal performance. These included family support, mentoring practices, affirmative action, collegial working atmosphere, support from the top leadership, and encouragement from their colleagues. The dissertation was also to investigate how female leaders perceived their leadership roles and the factors that enhanced female leadership and the barriers that hindered female leadership at ETSU. The women in this study talked about the impediments or barriers of their upward movement. These included salaries that were lower than those of their male colleagues, stereotyped thinking within the community with biases against females, family chores vis-à-vis work schedules, sexual discrimination, lack of role models, etc. The findings were: (a) Female leadership was uniquely relationship-oriented; (b) female leaders combined work and family and managed the two fairly well; (c) female leaders were more likely to mentor other women but also were often mentored by men; (d) female leaders worked at a more relaxed pace with details in mind and did not have the target of the big picture as a priority; (e) they worked hard to attain the positions previously held by men and are now at par in higher positions both in faculty and administration; (f) they worked hard to surmount the barriers placed in their way as they moved up the ladder in faculty and administrative positions; (g) they volunteered for positions in the staff and faculty senates without considering financial gains; (h) they were the majority in the lower ranks of the administrative ladder of the university and played crucial supportive roles; and (i) their leadership styles were more humanitarian and on the relationship philosophy than were the leadership styles of their male counterparts.

This project analyzes the sexual and gender politics of flight attendants, especially the men who did this work, since the 1930s. It traces how and why the flight attendant corps became the nearly exclusive domain of white women by the 1950s, then considers the various legal battles under the 1964 Civil Rights Act to re-integrate men into the workforce, open up greater opportunities for African-Americans, and liberate women from onerous age and marriage restrictions that cut short their careers. While other scholars have emphasized flight attendants' contributions in battling sexism in the courts, this project is unique in expanding such consideration to homosexuality. Male flight attendants' status as gender pariahs in the workforce (as men performing "women's work")--combined with the fact that many of them were gay--made them objects of "homosexual panic" in the 1950s, both in legal proceedings and in various forms of extra-legal intimidation. A decade later, aspirant flight attendants were participants in some of the first cases brought by men under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Their victories in the courts greatly benefited the gay community, among others, which thereby enjoyed greater freedom to enter a highly visible, public-relationsoriented corporate career. As such, my project helps to recast the legal legacy of the civil rights movement as a three-pronged reform, confronting homophobia as well as racism and sexism. Beyond legal considerations, Manhood Up in the Air also examines how both labor unions and the airlines negotiated a legal environment and public sentiment that largely condoned firing homosexuals, while nonetheless accommodating gay employees. This form of accommodation existed in the 1950s, though much more precariously than in the post-Stonewall decade of the 1970s. Thus, the project records the pre-history to the current reality, in which both corporations (with airlines at the forefront) and labor unions have become core supporters of the contemporary gay rights movement. / text