At the beginning of the twenty-first century Germany geopolitics can be characterized by its grand strategy as a civilian power. Germany has come to depend on a civilianized international system based on multilateralism, international institutions and the rule of law, supranational integration, free trade, and the restriction of the use of force as a means for international politics. Such a system requires the players in it to be peaceful and civilian, developed and cooperative, legitimate and law-abiding. Many African countries do not fulfill those conditions. Extremely high prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS in Africa severely undermine social structure, economic development and political stability and thus contribute to state failure. State failure is in fundamental conflict with Germany's prime geopolitical interest in promoting a civilianized international system, because a failing state is incapable of creating civilianized structures. After analyzing Germany's foreign and development policies since World War II, I came to the conclusion that all German foreign policies aim at promoting a civilianized international system. I am arguing that development policies are part of broader foreign policies and thus pursue this goal with respect to developing countries. However, for the system itself it is much more important that the big players in the world are included and committed to it. Therefore, German foreign policy focuses on the major powers in the world and, just as developing countries play a minor role in international politics, development policies play a minor role in Germany's grand strategy as a civilian power. German grand strategy, however, plays a major role in the design and the conduct of German development policies, policies used as tools to pursue Germany's broader geopolitical interest in promoting a civilianized international system.

This thesis aims to analyse the change and continuity issue in German Foreign Policy. In this study, the basic aim is to identify the basic parameters of the West German foreign policy during the Cold War and identify the implications of the reunification on foreign policy of Germany. Actually, after the reunification, the economically giant Germany has started to pursue a more self-reliant foreign policy course but there is not a radical shift from the basic parameters and the core values. The concept of &amp / #8216 / civilian power&amp / #8217 / and the international climate within which the foreign policy is formulated, will be given priority. It is argued that from the Gulf War in 1990-1991 to the Kosovo War of 1999, German contribution to military operations has increased. However, Germany has done this within a multilateral context and the aim has been to keep the values of respect for democracy and human rights. Thus, continuity dominates over change in German foreign policy, with regard to its policy record during the 1990s.

In recent years, EU’s development policy has undergone wide-ranging reform with the leading principle of responding to the circumstances and demands of the current world, but also for the sake of alignment to the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In line with the reasoning that an empowered civil society can help in the exercise of EU’s development policy and in the pursuit of development policy goals, the organisation has formed a strategy of engagement with CSOs in its external relations. This study’s focus is specifically on EU’s performance in Colombia, a Latin American country encompassed by EU’s development policy. Since Colombian CSOs still face numerous barriers hindering their work, it cannot be simply asserted that EU’s strategy has been effective. Hence, this study’s purpose is to critically evaluate EU’s engagement with Colombian CSOs, by taking into account EU’s capabilities as a civilian power to identify both the limits and potentials of the organisation’s approach. The study concludes that it is not the choice of power instruments, but the way the EU uses them that causes the strategy’s ineffectiveness. Although the Union has managed to increase Colombian CSOs’ capacity, the latter cannot be fully utilised due to the unfavourable framework for such organisations. Nevertheless, considering recent improvements made to EU’s strategy, it is argued that symbiosis between the EU and Colombian CSOs is still a realistic prospect, but one that requires increased efforts from the Union.

The thesis aims to study Germany's foreign policy methods to answer the research question if Germany is still a civilian power. The presented work aims to establish that Germany's foreign policy methods and decision-making process are guided by civilian power theory's normative principles and values, thereby making Germany a civilian power. The author will test this through case study analysis on four diverse case study topics that explore Germany's foreign policy methods over a period of time, thus analyzing the evolution of Germany's foreign policy methods furthermore, if this evolution displays continuity or change of modification in Germany's foreign policy methods. The thesis studied Germany's role in Eastern European enlargement, non-military engagement specifically in combat operations in Iraq, military engagement and combat operations in Afghanistan, and Germany's engagement in the developmental policies for Africa. The formulated hypotheses of the four case studies stand to be correct. Germany's foreign policy methods are guided by civilian power norms and principles since its unification until now under the leadership of three different chancelleries. Because of this, Germany is still a civilian power and adapts to the challenges faced at the time and modifies its methods only after...

This paper presents the role theory and the role conception power for peace which was created for the European Union on the basis of its values, norms and rules. Five criteria that define power for peace were applied to the peace mission EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After verification of all criteria it was proved that the EU has acted as power for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and it has therefore fulfilled its role conception.

This thesis deals with German foreign policy on example of negotiations of Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine in years 2007-2013. The purpose of this paper was to analyse German interests in these negotiations and to answer the question, if Germany acted more as a civilian or geoeconomic power. Moreover, I focused on the mistakes of German politicians during this process and how it could influence the negative outcome. Firstly, the thesis follows up main basis of German foreign policy and European Neighbourhood Policy, mainly Eastern Partnership, and the role of Germany in these. The main chapter studies chronologically the process of the treaty negotiations and focuses particularly on press releases and statements of key German politicians. These are compared with chosen criteria to assign the actions to one of the concepts. This thesis comes to a conclusion that Germany acted as a civilian power because it tried to multilateralize the relations, stressed the principles and values and avoided conflicts. Germany's mistake was that it did not pay enough attention to the negotiations and had no clear strategy for this area. With its passivity and lack of interest in Ukraine itself it contributed to the failure of the negotiations.

The topic of this master thesis is the Relationship of the Federal Republic of Germany to the intervention in Libya. The aim of this master thesis is to answer the research question: "Why did not Germany support the intervention in Libya?". After the abstention on the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973, Germany was for not continuing human rights protection. The decision, to reject the intervention, has confirmed that Germany is still very skeptical regarding the involvement of its military personnel and assets abroad. The decision of the Security Council is not only a milestone in German history, but also a milestone for the international community. For the first time has the United Nations Security Council agreed to use military forces against a functioning state with the aim of protecting civilian population. This master thesis is a single case study; through which the author examines a very specific situation when Germany decided not to participate in the voting process regarding the intervention in Libya. The theoretical part of the thesis is based on the constructivist theory, furthermore the thesis focuses also on the concepts of civilian power, multilateralism, culture of restraint, and the protection of human rights. All these terms have significant influence on German foreign...

In connection with its foreign policy, the European Union was until 2003 often seen as an actor lacking basically any "hard" power and it was often labeled as a "normative" power, "civilian" power etc. However, a group of scholars led by Ian Manners has been claiming that in connection with the adoption of the European Security Strategy in December 2003 the EU has lost its "soft" characteristics and has moved closer towards a traditional military actor. The master thesis deals with this issue of the alleged militarization of the Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) after 2003/2004 while focusing on one particular area of the CFSP - the policy of restrictive measures or sanctions. This area is unique because of its special characteristic: on one hand, sanctions as such represent a "hard", coercive foreign policy tool and on the other, the EU has been autonomously using them already since the 1980s. The question therefore is what the frequent use of sanctions implies about the character of the EU and whether does the policy of restrictive measures stand, as a matter of principle, in opposition to being a "soft" power. By means of discourse analysis of the official EU sanction documents and by using the case of Burma (which represents a "typical case"), the thesis attempts to demonstrate,...

This master thesis is dealing with the German-Austrian relations between 1998 and 2005 with an emphasis on a period of sanctions against Austria in 2000 in which Germany participated. The analysis was done by using the concept of civilian power to analyze the German foreign policy and by using the theory of asymmetrical dyads to analyze the German-Austrian relations. Outside the above mentioned topic and period of time this thesis concerns itself also briefly with the history of the German-Austrian relations before 1998 and the Austrian political party FPÖ. Due to the thematic limitations this thesis doesn't cover the domestic policy of both countries during that era or the German-Austrian Relations outside the designed period of time.

This Master thesis examines the German foreign energy policy with focus on the German- Russian energy cooperation and the pipeline projects Nord Stream I and II. It seeks to analyze inconsistencies or even contradictions in the German foreign policy regarding the Nord Stream project. Both strategic and business interests on one hand and value based policy on the other are present and observable. Therefore this paper works with Jakub Eberle's concept of Germany as "dividual actor" which enables us to work with the already mentioned inconsistencies. Furthermore, this approach allows us to observe "geo-economic power" aspects in German actions (favoring strategic and mostly business interests) as well as "civilian power" aspects (value based policy) and eventually to see Germany as an actor in the international relations in its complexity. This thesis therefore aims to contribute to a broader debate about German actorness and its roles in international system. Moreover, German domestic energy policy will be analyzed in order to provide us with the basis for German foreign energy policy. The main focus of this paper is on natural gas and its importance in the German energy mix as well as on German dependence on its imports. The import routes and primarily the pipeline routes Nord Stream I and II are...