Dancehall is an influential space of cultural creation and expression within Jamaican society. This study is about how Jamaican dancehall is being performed, and what this performance means to its participants. Dancehall is mainly practiced by lower-class Jamaicans. This thesis focuses on dancers as a specific group among these participants. During 15 weeks I lived in Kingston and participated in dancehall culture daily. The fieldwork was focused on one dance group called “The Black Eagles”. The dancehall is gender structured and most dancers are men who organize in male crews. Practicing dancehall can be seen as a cultural resistance to structural injustice, while it also works to enforce oppressive ideologies. Dancehall culture is criticized for being immoral, inappropriate and violent. Dancehall is a survival strategy for many lower-class Jamaicans and an alternative to a life in crime. The Black Eagles dance because they love it, but the main motivation for initiating a career as a dancehall dancer is the hope of getting a better life. Digital technology and social media have helped dancers to reach this goal. Through social media, the dancehall dance has gained international popularity. This thesis relates to broader themes such as development, poverty, globalization, gender and identity.

Darbe, pasitelkiant įvairias šiuolaikinės politinės filosofijos teorijas, analizuojama galia ir trys jos aspektai: ekonominė galia, politinė galia ir galia-žinojimas. Darbe parodoma, kad politinė galia yra daug labiau suvaržanti individo laisvę veikti nei ekonominė galia, su sąlyga, kad ekonominė galia nesinaudoja politinės galios priemonėmis. Taip yra dėl to, kad nepaklusnumo ekonominei galiai kaštai yra gerokai mažesni nei bet kada anksčiau. Kita vertus, nepaklusnumas politinei galiai, tiek prieš daugelį metų, tiek ir dabar reiškia politinės galios darinių agresiją paklusti atsisakančio individo atžvilgiu. Su trečiuoju galios aspektu yra kiek sudėtingiau. Kaip tik čia filosofo darbas įgauna didelę svarbą. Pasak Foucault, Deleuze‘o ir kt., intelektualai turi analizuoti ir mėginti suvokti, kaip mus veikia internalizuotos galios sampratos bei įvairios savaime-suprantamybės, kurios lemia mūsų paklusnumą ar nepaklusnumą galiai ir mūsų požiūrį į įvairias jos apraiškas. Kitaip sakant, filosofas turi reflektuoti minties santykį su galia. M. Foucault ko gero geriausiai suformulavo šią problemą iškeldamas savąjį politinės filosofijos klausimą: Kaip galia gamina tiesos diskursus, kurie turi tokį stiprų poveikį mums? Siekiant atsakyti į pastarąjį klausimą analizuojama socialistinė tradicija, jos santykis su galia ir galios santykis su socializmu. / The work deals with the analysis of power and its various aspects, namely economic power, political power and power-knowledge. Throughout the work various models are used that are drawn from various contemporary authors, M. Foucault, M. N. Rothbard, G. Deleuze, Z. Bauman among them. The work tries to answer the question posed by M. Foucault: How does Power create truth-discourses that have such a great effect upon us? To answer this question the tradition of socialism is analyzed. The analysis of socialism provides a clear cut example how Power can be augmented via various discourses that are sympathetic towards its growth and how various attempts by the Power to suppress socialism have actually entrenched and radicalized the socialist discourse among its adherents.

Thesis advisor: Kalpana Seshadri / The dominant discourse on the Sri Lankan civil war classifies it as an ethnic conflict resulting from Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism and Tamil nationalism. The classification of Sri Lanka as an ethnic conflict neglects to account for divisions within both the Sinhala community and the Tamil community, especially along class and caste divisions. This thesis provides a nuanced historical understanding of the Sri Lankan civil war as a class conflict arising from Sinhalese nationalism and manufactured ethnic tensions. The argument presented is that the Sri Lankan civil war is rooted in class struggle within and across ethnic groups for access to political power and economic equality. Since there have been instances of solidarity between Sinhalese people and Tamils due to shared class interests, it is clear that ethnic divisions were not inherent to the Sri Lankan polity but were caused by colonial policies and class divisions. To make this argument, the thesis utilizes an intersectional Marxist framework accounting for the influence of ethnic relations in class theories of exploitation, exclusion, and class interests. The thesis concludes with a focus on the current economic crisis in Sri Lanka and how it furthers my argument for a nuanced understanding of the civil war with attention to the class disparities in the nation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: International Studies.

This dissertation concerns nineteenth-century British novelists’ representations of unachieved aspirations. Through a blend of affect theory, materialist literary criticism, and formalist analysis, I examine a particularly frustrating problem addressed by these writers: the gap between a dream of social mobility and a reality of class paralysis for many working-class people. I am interested in the tropes of imprisonment, constraint, and confinement through which Charles Dickens, Elizabeth Gaskell, Thomas Hardy, and Arthur Morrison pondered this problem. I take into account these writers’ own limitations and imperfect social-progress ideology of melioration. These metaphors highlight the exploitation of impoverished people by the very institutions purportedly meant to encourage and mobilize them. In this project, I draw on Lauren Berlant’s theory of cruel optimism, Carolyn Lesjak’s study of the depleasurization of work in the Victorian novel, and Bruce Robbins’s theory of mobility and welfare as frameworks for interpreting what Victorian middle-class fiction writers do with the lived experience of poverty.

Orientador: Edmundo Fernandes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T15:08:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Farias_LuizFelipeFerrariCerqueirade_M.pdf: 4578712 bytes, checksum: 74320b4456fdeabb5c554c44aee94d81 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo deste texto é investigar as diferentes frações da classe trabalhadora subordinada ao capital agroindustrial no complexo citrícola paulista: pequenos produtores familiares de laranjas, assalariados rurais e assalariados industriais. Propomo-nos analisar as continuidades e descontinuidades sociais e políticas existentes entre estas diferentes frações, com o propósito de apreender a classe trabalhadora que compõe este complexo enquanto uma totalidade concreta. Para tanto, destacaremos e analisaremos trechos de entrevistas com múltiplos sujeitos que têm seu sobre trabalho explorado pelo capital agroindustrial citrícola no estado de São Paulo: pequenos produtores de laranjas que mantêm seu modo de vida e trabalho familiares; pequenos produtores de laranjas em acentuado processo de proletarização; pequenos proprietários ou posseiros migrantes que se assalariam periodicamente em lavouras paulistas; assalariados rurais manuais com e sem registro em carteira; operadores de máquinas agrícolas e transportadores de laranjas às agroindústrias; trabalhadores de chão de fábrica terceirizados ou efetivos, safristas ou permanentes. A partir da reprodução de citações o mais próxima possível à fala destes trabalhadores entrevistados, buscaremos analisar as tendências e contra-tendências de sua consciência a respeito das contradições a que estão submetidos e as múltiplas estratégias coletivas e individuais por eles acionadas para contorná-las / Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to investigate different fractions of the working class subordinated to capital within the citric agroindustrial complex in São Paulo. We intend to analyze the social and political continuities and discontinuities among family citriculturists, rural wage workers and industrial wage workers. To do so, we will transcribe and examine interviews with multiple subjects exploited by the citric agroindustrial capital: small citriculturists who maintain their family way of work and life; small citriculturists in intensive process of proletarianization; squatters who periodically migrate to become wage earners in São Paulo; rural laborers and agricultural machine operators; truck drivers who transport oranges into the industries; industrial workers hired permanently or temporarily, etc. We will analyze the tendencies and counter-tendencies of their speech regarding the contradictions to which they are submitted, as well as the collective and individual strategies which they mobilize in response / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

The great economic forces that built American industrial cities also quickly left them abandoned. Scholars have written extensively on the social consequences of deindustrialization. Today, however, a new period of economic growth has again changed cities. A process of redevelopment, commonly referred to as gentrification, has changed the character of former industrial cities, producing an array of new civic tensions. The new people entering cities come for job opportunities in growing economic sectors (e.g., tech, finance, and creative industries) that tend to require higher levels of education. While these sectors grow, traditional working-class jobs continue to dwindle in number and pay. This creates a polarizing force inside cities. While social polarization is often discussed as an abstract macro-level phenomenon, even abstract forces must manifest in specific places. The gentrifying neighborhood is one such place. Inside gentrifying neighborhoods, residents must contend with new people amidst profound change. My research addresses this change. It seeks to better understand what holds modern communities together (or fails to) especially as the fates of residents diverge. Gentrification provides the social context for this research, but the focus is on a specific neighborhood-level institution: the local church. I use a religious institution as the primary mode for accessing the research site for several reasons. Religious institutions are uniquely positioned to directly address issues of community, identity, and morality. That is, at church, residents engage the issues I am exploring. They discuss how to treat outsiders, how to be a good neighborhood, and how to deal collectively with community problems. Moreover, few scholars have considered the role that churches play in neighborhood gentrification, despite the prominent role of churches in communities, and despite the overall attention that gentrification has received. In order to access the perspectives of both sets of residents—the long-term residents, and the gentrifying newcomers—this research examines two churches, each populated by a different neighborhood demographic. The first church is composed of younger residents who are gentrifying the neighborhood. The second church is composed of older residents who have spent most of their lives in the neighborhood. While the two churches are divided by age, the real divide is economic. That is, the younger residents belong to an educated and prosperous class that benefit from redevelopment. The older residents, in contrast, are working-class and mostly relegated to watch as their neighborhood transforms, sometimes making them feel like outsiders. The neighborhood that constitutes the research site is Fishtown, an “urban village” in Philadelphia, long known as a white working-class enclave with a reputation for insularity. This research explores how two churches, composed of separate sets of residents, sustain community and deal with conflict in a context of increasing polarization. I use thirty-two interviews, ethnographic observation, and analysis of documents (i.e., historical land use maps and newspapers) to understand the history of Fishtown, and the role of the two churches in affecting and contending with gentrification. The research shows the enduring power of race in attenuating class divisions within the neighborhood. Gentrification is often fraught with racial tension as the gentrifying class is often whiter and wealthier than the long-term residents of a neighborhood. In Fishtown, however, this dynamic is different. The long-term residents share the same predominantly white racial identity as the newcomers. I argue that the shared identity diffuses social tensions but raises difficult questions regarding the true nature of the growing cosmopolitanism of the former urban village. Ultimately, the division within the neighborhood partitions residents into two parallel communities. This partition includes the two churches, who remain divided, even as they engage their respective residents, marshal resources for the underprivileged, and participate in a shared faith tradition. I show how the laudable activities of each church are shaped by the economic currents that rapidly change the neighborhood. / Sociology

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ABSTRACT A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF THE SOCIALIST JOURNAL AYDINLIK WITHIN A MARXIAN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK G&uuml / ndogan, Ercan Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz July 2005, 855 pages The thesis concerns with the conception of class and revolution in Marxian meta-theory and examines its reception by the Turkish Marxist left through an analysis of the Socialist Journal Aydinlik (1968-1971). Survey demonstrates that the reception is obscured by strategic debates, and is also not perfectly realized due to the needs of the rapid development of the Turkish socialist left after 1960s. Marxian theory is used mainly to justify the national democratic revolutionary strategy which is presented as only valid strategy, against socialist revolutionary strategy. National Democratic Revolutionary strategy is suggested to close the gap between Marxian framework which exclusively focuses on the proletarian socialist politics and the undeveloped revolutionary conditions of the underdeveloped societies. However, this gap is closed only at the expense of creating new gaps between Marx and the country. Class phenomena are analyzed in the framework of the imperialism-feudalism-comprador bourgeoisie alliance and popular or national classes. This strategy suggests that only after national democratic revolution is perfectly completed, socialist revolutionary struggle can be valid. It thereby postpones the possibility of socialist struggle and hence Marx to an undetermined future.