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The study of Shangshu or the Book of Documents 尚書has long been a popular subject in China since the Han dynasty 漢 (206 BC-220 AD). Numerous topics have been investigated and studied deeply by scholars throughout the years. They, however, rarely focus on the appellations in the book and thus this will be the main research area of this paper. In order to maintain the consistency of the study and avoid the problem of authenticity of the passages, only 12 chapters (also known as the twelve imperial mandates 周誥十二篇) from the Book of Zhou 周書, which are considered to be the original and real texts from the Western Zhou period 西周 (1046-771 BC), will be the corpus of this research. By studying the appellations from the selected passages mentioned above, it aims at enriching the study of vocabulary of the Western Zhou period, identifying and investigating the meaning of appellation of ancient China, as well as studying the society of Western Zhou period from the perspective of appellation. This thesis consists of six chapters. Chapter one generally introduces the study of appellation in Chinese history, the aims of this research, the definition of appellation and the research materials. Chapter two focus on the explanation of the appellations in twelve imperial mandates from the Book of Zhou. Chapter three investigates the difficulties of handling the appellations in the previous chapter, as well as the solutions to the problems. Chapter four discusses the characteristics of the appellations. Chapter five studies the human relationship and the political culture of Western Zhou period from the perspective of appellation and finally chapter six concludes the findings of the research. / published_or_final_version / Chinese Language and Literature / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / abstract / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / abstract / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

胡志偉. / 稿本(電腦打印本). / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學歷史學部. / Gao ben (dian nao da yin ben). / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 175-177). / Hu Zhiwei. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue li shi xue bu. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 / Chapter (一) --- 引言 / Chapter (二) --- 近代學界研究阮元概況簡述 / Chapter (三) --- 本文研究方案 / Chapter 第二章 --- 阮元學術思想述論 / Chapter (一) --- 小引 / Chapter (二) --- 阮元的論學要點述評及與其學術宗旨的關係 / Chapter 1 --- 訓詁 / Chapter 2 --- 求實 / Chapter 3 --- 尚古 / Chapter 4 --- 阮元論學之獨特處 / Chapter 5 --- 阮元論學要點及其大旨的結構關係 / Chapter (三) --- 訓詁的內容 、 理據及其限制 / Chapter (四) --- 義理之層序和檢核標準 / Chapter (五) --- 『訓詁明則義理明 』 的再檢討 / Chapter (六) --- 小結 / Chapter 第三章 --- 阮元的公平學 / Chapter (一) --- 小引 / Chapter (二) --- 阮元思想與公平學的接合處 / Chapter (三) --- 阮元對公平學之態度旁證 / Chapter (四) --- 阮著 《春秋公羊傳注疏校勘記》分析 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 / Chapter 第四章 --- 阮元與 『詁經精舍』 / Chapter (一) --- 『詁經精舍』沿革述略 / Chapter (二) --- 『詁經精舍』之創辦及立學大旨 / Chapter 1 --- 《經籍纂詁》之修撰與『詁經精舍』之關係 / Chapter 2 --- 『詁經精舍』之成立日的與講學宗旨 / Chapter (三) --- 『詁經精舍』課習內容分析 / Chapter 第五章 --- 阮元與『學海堂』 / Chapter (一) --- 『學海堂』之立學緣起及與『詁經精舍』之關係 / Chapter (二) --- 『學海堂』之立學宗旨與陳建《學部道辯》之關係 / Chapter 第六章 --- 阮元與《皇清經解》 / Chapter (一) --- 小引 / Chapter (二) --- "《皇清經解》編修之緣起 ， 經過和續編 / Chapter (三) --- 《皇清經解》作者群與阮元之關係 / Chapter (四) --- 《皇清經解》的學術宗尚與阮元學術規模之關係 / Chapter 第七章 --- 阮元與《十三經注疏》 / Chapter (一) --- 重刊十三經的背景，緣起和經過 / Chapter (二) --- 《十三經注疏》的輯校原則 / Chapter (三) --- 《十三經注疏》簡評 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論 / 參考書目舉隅 / 後記

In 1994, two batches of unearthed Chu 楚 bamboo slips from the Warring States period (Zhanguo shidai 戰國時代, 475–221 B.C.), totaling 1200 pieces and featuring over 35000 characters, appeared in the cultural relic market of Hong Kong. These slips, highly valuable for philological research, cover nearly 100 kinds of ancient Chinese classic. They were soon collected by the Shanghai Museum for restoration and analysis, and have, since 2001, been published in successive volumes entitled Shanghai bowuguan cang Zhanguo Chu zhushu 上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書, eight volumes of which have been issued to date. My study focuses on the seventh volume, published in 2008, comprising five chapters — Wuwang jian zuo 武王踐阼, Zhengzi jia sang 鄭子家喪, Jun ren zhe hebi an zai 君人者何必安哉, Fan wu liu xing 凡物流形, and Wuming 吳命— comprehensive annotation and transcription of which have been provided by the volume editor. In spite of the efforts put on interpreting these bamboo texts, existing researches have their limitations; some intricate textual problems remain to be solved. The present dissertation attempts to examine the elucidations and interpretations of these bamboo texts in order to identify and screen out erroneous views among them. Sophisticated investigation on several controversial issues has been carried out to determine and restore the intent of the original passages. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Since the antiquity, the Book of Change (Zhouyi 周易) has been praised as the leading scripture among the five classics (with the Book of Documents [Shangshu 尚書], the Book of Odes [Shijing 詩經], the Spring and Autumn Annals [Chunqiu 春秋], and the Book of Rites [Liji 禮記]), and the supreme dao of the three mysteries (with Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子). However, its guayaoci 卦爻辭 (general and line judgments of the hexagrams) are not only recondite but also proliferate with conflicting exegeses that lead nowhere. Fortunately, multiple early manuscripts of the Book of Change, including those from the Mawangdui 馬王堆 silk texts, the Fuyang 阜陽 bamboo slips, and the Chu 楚 bamboo slips housed at the Shanghai Museum, were excavated over the past forty years. These, combined with other related archaeological findings, found the basis for a scrupulous reading of the guayaoci. I attempt to compare the Shanghai Museum manuscript, which is the earliest extant copy of the Book of Change, with the traditional editions and other excavated copies to arrive at a reasoned exposition based on previous interpretation and through manifold research methods such as philology, textual criticism and theosophy. The present thesis examines seven guyaoci from seven hexagrams: 1 “li yong qin fa 利用侵伐” of the fifth line of qian 謙; 2 “bu fu yi qi lin 不富以其鄰” of the fifth line of qian 謙 and the fourth line of tai 泰, and “fu yi qi lin 富以其鄰” of the fifth line of xiaochu 小畜; 3 the naming of wuwang 无妄 and its meaning; 4 “wuwang zhi ji, wu yao you xi 无妄之疾，勿藥有喜” of the fifth line of wuwang 无妄; 5 “he tian zhi qu 何天之衢” of the sixth line of dachu 大畜; 6 “lu suosuo, si qi suo qu zai 旅瑣瑣，斯其所取災” of the first line of lu 旅; and finally 7 “ru you yiru 繻有衣袽” of the fourth line of jiji 既濟. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

本論文的撰寫基於一個前設：緯書之出現，本非為釋經而生；並以此為基礎，析論經、緯關係，及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中，認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品，緯書的內容，係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點，只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生，則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 / 儒學世界中，真正為經學附庸者，乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現，必然有其偶然與必然性，撇除難以探討的偶然性問題，若說緯學乃出自釋經所需，則其將缺乏形成的必然性；因為自宣帝、元帝間始，儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期，以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事，緯學若然是釋經之作，則其出現實屬多餘。 / 本文認為，緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系，雖然系出董仲舒，難免沾染災異之說，但五經之中，除了後成的《禮記》，大體上仍然保持其「純潔」，緯學的出現，乃為對政治混局預占之所需，配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派，此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性，方能掌握白虎觀後，緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 / 所以，本文將主要分為兩大部分，第一部分包含第一及第二章，主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境；因為經學史的演進部分，研究已汗牛充棟，本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 / 第二部分包含第三及第四章，主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面，源起成帝對新學的提拔，此新學本文稱為成哀新學，其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外，更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納，形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」，令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心，地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 / 簡單而言，本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分，而儒學思想，則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑；不過，此橋樑本身，亦係三者之體系形成過程中，方始形成的觀念；換言之，本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成，以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 / To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. / The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. / The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in Han politics, and suggest that it started as early as Wendi 文帝while it was traditionally thought to be the great achievement of Wudi 武帝. The chapter will demonstrate how Wendi and Jingdi 景帝struggled to promote Ru learnings during their rules. And thus the chapter would lead to the conclusion that Wudi’s policy of exclusive promotion of Ru was nothing more than the legacy of his father and grandfather. Nevertheless, this chapter will make a further inquiry into this formative period through the study of New Book 賈誼《新書》to illustrate its characterisitcs. Following that, a section on the “Qi tradition齊學of Han Ru will be introduced and its unique and important role in the Ru system will be emphasized by examining the development of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 and his works on the Gongyang traditions 公羊學. The chapter concludes the formative era by discussing the book of Yantieyuan《鹽鐵論》 to show that the basic ideas and structure of the Ru system was a quasi-established one immediately after the ruling years of Wudi. Core principles made up by the majority faction in Qixue will rule in the names of Jing 經, Chang 常 and suppress principles of Quan 權, Bian 變 found in Wudi’s rules. / The third chapter, instead of focusing on the ideological and intellectual changes, deals with how real-politik exerted its great influence on the stabilizing period. The once forgotten Quan-Bian faction rose again during this late Western-Han period as a result of fierece political struggles among different parties alongside with the ideological disuptues between the Jinwen and Guwen schools. The chapter will try to foster a new concept under the term of Cheng-Ai Neoism to illustrate the uprising of the studies of Chen Prophecy and Apocrypha as a result of Qixue traditions and political turmoil. / The last chapter will supplement the previous chapters by introducing the origins of Apocrypha and how its development affected the construction and development of Ru Classics and how it was applied in real-politik. The chapter would also like to argue that without Apocrypha, the so-called Ru system would not be a matured one through the studies of Bangu’s Baihu-tongyi. And the chapter would conclude the thesis by stating that with the matured development in both Classics and Apocrypha, the systematic construction of Han Ru system was finally established as a result. / To conclude, this thesis aims to examine different stages of development that finally led to the formation of Han Ru system which affected the intellectual and political development of Han and post-Han dynasties. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙鍾維. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-215). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhao Zhongwei. / Chapter 緒論： --- 前人研究與討論空間 --- p.V / Chapter 壹、 --- 總論：秦火之後的齊學世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 先秦無經學 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 經學觀念形成於漢武帝朝 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 由殘簡至經學 --- p.9 / Chapter 4. --- 先秦下層思想於漢初的「逆向上流」 --- p.41 / Chapter 5. --- 地方與中央構建 --- p.49 / Chapter 貳、 --- 中央政治與齊經學構建 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 漢初用儒 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 漢武尊儒 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鹽鐵會議 --- p.100 / Chapter 參、 --- 齊儒治世與成哀新學 --- p.112 / Chapter 1. --- 甘露論儒 --- p.112 / Chapter 2. --- 漢季禮爭：博士經與王氏始交 --- p.116 / Chapter 3. --- 河平校書 --- p.120 / Chapter 4. --- 移書讓太常博士 --- p.124 / Chapter 5. --- 成哀新學 --- p.126 / Chapter 6. --- 王莽與漢晚儒學 --- p.128 / Chapter 肆、 --- 讖緯體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 1. --- 緯學體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 2. --- 緯學發展簡論 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 讖緯干政 --- p.158 / Chapter 4. --- 讖緯干經 --- p.182 / Chapter 5. --- 經緯平議 --- p.185 / Chapter 6. --- 白虎通論 --- p.195 / Chapter 伍、 --- 結論 --- p.202 / p.204

《隋書》及《北史》皆云南北朝經學「章句好尚，互有不同」，又述南北異同云：「江左《周易》則王輔嗣，《尚書》則孔安國，《左傳》則杜元凱。河、洛《左傳》則服子慎，《尚書》、《周易》則鄭康成。《詩》則並主於毛公，《禮》則同遵於鄭氏。」歷來論南北經學流派者，莫不以此文為據。學者或以為南北經學之好尚，《隋書》、《北史》「數言盡之」（皮錫瑞語），即謂同則趨同，異則迥異，涇渭分明。亦有學者不作絶對之論，稱南朝不無宗鄭玄者，北朝猶有習偽孔者。持此論者之所據，多為南北各朝史傳、《經典釋文》、《隋書》所載南北諸經立學、門戶承傳之概況，惟史料零碎，且個別細節語焉不詳。同時，學界不乏以輯本南北朝經學佚書鑽研經學史者，惜輯本內容佔原書幾何，不甚明確，貿然藉此立論，恐失之武斷。 / 目前，藉南北朝傳世文獻研究時人對諸經注解之好尚，暫未一見，本文以為研治南北經學好尚問題，當可在此着墨。南北朝傳世古注之具名引用諸經注解者，有南人裴松之《三國志注》、裴駰《史記集解》、劉孝標《世說新語注》、皇侃《論語義疏》，以及北人酈道元《水經注》五種。鑑於南北對於《周易》、《尚書》、《左傳》、《論語》四經注解之好尚差異最大，故本文旨在考覈上述傳世古注所引四經注解，以探求前列南北注家五人對經注之好尚，從而疏理南北朝南北經學之沿革，以為經學史研究開一嶄新門徑。 / 本文共分八章。第一章回顧南北朝南北經學好尚之研究步伐，並提出藉用南北朝傳世古注所引諸經注解為探討此問題之新方向。第二章略述南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色，以鉤其引書之概念。第三至第六章，則逐一考索南北朝傳世古注所引《周易》、《尚書》、《春秋左傳》、《論語》四經注解，並議論南北經學沿革相關問題。第七章專講徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》。徐《疏》舊題唐代，惟清代以降，學者或以為北朝之書，又或以為其書並非一時之作，而終成於唐，各具實據。無論如何，本文不排除徐《疏》包羅北朝經解成分，故設專章考述其引用以上四經注解之情況，以為餘論。卒章總結全文。 / According to Suishu隋書 and Beishi北史, the Southern and Northern Dynasties favored respectively different interpretations of the Confucian Classics (jing經). Taking Shangshu尚書 as an example, Zheng Xuan鄭玄’s annotation was preferred in the North, whereas the annotation with its authorship assigned to Kong An’guo孔安國 was preferred in the South. To study the divisions of jingxue經學 during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, reviewers have constantly regarded the above statement as a foundation. Some of them, such as Pi Xirui皮錫瑞, believed that Suishu and Beishi had precisely concluded the trend of orthodoxy, as coherent comments on jingxue can be observed respectively within the Southern and Northern Dynasties. However certain counterexamples exist, for instance, Zheng’s commentary was adopted in the South, whereas Kong’s annotation was also studied in the North. Dissenters’ arguments mainly based on the official history of the South and the North. Alternative sources include Jingdian Shiwen經典釋文, Suishu and the recovered texts (jiyishu輯佚書) of the related period, with the latter being piecemeal and incomprehensive. Nevertheless, few studies have succeeded investigating the interpretations of jing at that time with the aid of the transmitted notes (zhu注) of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, namely Sanguozhi Zhu三國志注, Shiji Jijie史記集解, Shishuo Xinyu Zhu世說新語注, Lunyü Yishu論語義疏 and Shuijing Zhu水經注, which serves as alternative corpora. Through a close examination of the notes’ citation, this thesis aims at investigating coexisting evaluations towards various notes of jing, as well as articulating jingxue’s development throughout that period. / This thesis comprises eight chapters. The first chapter reviews past studies and the inadequacy therein, declaring the transmitted notes of the Southern and Northern Dynasties as an alternative source for research. Chapter Two summarizes the rules of the citations of commentaries on Classics found in the transmitted notes above. Details for those of Zhouyi周易, Shangshu, Zuozhuan左傳 and Lunyü論語 are presented with analysis in the next four chapters respectively. Chapter Seven looks into the commentaries on the four Classics cited in Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan Shu春秋公羊傳疏, which to a certain extent shows the scholars’ preferences in the North due to the multiplicity of authorship. The final chapter serves as a conclusion. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍尚俊. / "2012年9月". / "2012 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-308). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Shangjun. / 凡例 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 南北朝經學好尚研究之回顧暨新方向之提出 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 目前南北朝經學好尚相關研究成果述要 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 概說南北經學好尚研究之新方向──南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引諸經注解之特色述略 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.14 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.15 / Chapter 第四節 --- 皇侃《論語義疏》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引諸經注解之特色 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《周易》注解考辨 --- p.22 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《周易》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《周易》注解獨取魏晉說考 --- p.30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.33 / Chapter 第四章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《尚書》注解考辨 --- p.37 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.37 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《尚書》注解-分別獨取《偽孔傳》及鄭玄注叢考 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《尚書》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.110 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.123 / Chapter 第五章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《春秋左傳》注解考辨 --- p.132 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.132 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴松之《三國志注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.132 / Chapter 第三節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》及皇侃《論語義疏》引《左傳》注解-獨取杜預注叢考 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五節 --- 酈道元《水經注》引《左傳》注解兼採漢魏晉說考 --- p.166 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.180 / Chapter 第六章 --- 南北朝傳世古注引《論語》注解考辨 --- p.189 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.189 / Chapter 第二節 --- 裴駰《史記集解》引《論語》注解兼用何晏、江熙二家《集解》考 --- p.189 / Chapter 第三節 --- 劉孝標《世說新語注》引《論語》注解用何晏《集解》考 --- p.229 / Chapter 第四節 --- 南北朝傳世古注引漢魏晉《論語》注解好尚之異同及其原因 --- p.241 / Chapter 第五節 --- 結語 --- p.244 / Chapter 第七章 --- 徐彥《春秋公羊傳疏》引諸經注解考辨 --- p.249 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.249 / Chapter 第二節 --- 徐《疏》引《周易》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.250 / Chapter 第三節 --- 徐《疏》引《尚書》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.262 / Chapter 第四節 --- 徐《疏》引《春秋左傳》注解兼採漢晉說考 --- p.267 / Chapter 第五節 --- 徐《疏》引《論語》注解獨取漢說考 --- p.280 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.283 / 總結 --- p.287 / 參考文獻 --- p.291

伍俊丞. / "2010年9月". / "2010 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 651-666). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wu Juncheng. / 提要 --- p.i / 凡例 --- p.iv / 前言 --- p.v / 目錄 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 王符之生平 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符之鄉里 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之志節 --- p.15 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符之仕宦 --- p.20 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之交遊 --- p.23 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之生卒 --- p.30 / Chapter 第六節 --- 王符之著述 --- p.35 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二章 --- 東漢經學概況 --- p.43 / Chapter 第一節 --- 東漢經學以古文為宗 --- p.45 / Chapter 第二節 --- 東漢經生著重家法 --- p.48 / Chapter 第三節 --- 東漢讖緯學之興盛 --- p.50 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.53 / Chapter 第三章 --- 王符之《周易》學 --- p.54 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《周易》學概況 --- p.56 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《周易》學源流 --- p.65 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《周易》特點 --- p.95 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之《周易》學思想 --- p.106 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符於京房《周易》學之取捨 --- p.120 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《周易》於王符經學之地位 --- p.135 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.142 / 附錄一王符引《易》源流待考條目 --- p.143 / 附錄二王符引《易》稱謂彙錄 --- p.161 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王符之《尚書》學 --- p.165 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《尚書》學概況 --- p.167 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《尚書》學源流 --- p.176 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引佚《書》 --- p.204 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《尚書》特點 --- p.212 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之《尚書》學思想 --- p.220 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《尚書》於王符經學之地位 --- p.230 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.238 / 附錄一王符引《書》源流待考條目 --- p.239 / 附錄二王符引《書》稱謂彙錄 --- p.250 / Chapter 第五章 --- 王符之《詩經》學 --- p.254 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《詩經》學概況 --- p.256 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《詩經》學源流 --- p.265 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《詩經》特點 --- p.302 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符之《詩經》學思想 --- p.312 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《詩經》於王符經學之地位 --- p.321 / Chapter 第六節 --- 結語 --- p.328 / 附錄一王符引《詩》源流待考條目 --- p.329 / 附錄二王符引《詩》稱謂彙錄 --- p.362 / Chapter 第六章 --- 王符之三《禮》學 --- p.369 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代三《禮》學概況 --- p.371 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之三《禮》學源流 --- p.378 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引三《禮》特點 --- p.388 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符思想於荀學之承繼 --- p.395 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《潛夫論》之思想學派爭議 --- p.401 / Chapter 第六節 --- 三《禮》於王符經學之地位 --- p.410 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.414 / Chapter 第七章 --- 王符之《春秋》學 --- p.415 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《春秋》學概況 --- p.417 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符之《春秋》學源流 --- p.427 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《國語》 --- p.493 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《春秋》特點 --- p.517 / Chapter 第五節 --- 王符之《春秋》學思想 --- p.526 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《春秋》於王符經學之地位 --- p.533 / Chapter 第七節 --- 結語 --- p.537 / 附錄一王符引《春秋》源流待考條目 --- p.538 / 附錄二王符引《春秋》稱謂彙錄 --- p.542 / Chapter 第八章 --- 王符之《論語》學 --- p.545 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《論言》學概況 --- p.547 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《論語》 --- p.555 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《論語》之相關問題 --- p.580 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.583 / 附錄王符徵引《論語》稱謂彙錄 --- p.584 / Chapter 第九章 --- 王符之《孝經》學 --- p.587 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代《孝經》學概況 --- p.589 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《孝經》 --- p.595 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引《孝經》之相關問題 --- p.599 / Chapter 第四節 --- 結語 --- p.601 / Chapter 第十章 --- 王符於緯書之取態 --- p.602 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符《潛夫論》引緯書 --- p.604 / Chapter 第二節 --- 緯書於王符經學之地位 --- p.615 / Chapter 第三節 --- 結語 --- p.619 / Chapter 第十一章 --- 餘論 --- p.620 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王符論諸經之作者 --- p.622 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王符經學之今古文取向 --- p.628 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王符以經論政 --- p.635 / Chapter 第四節 --- 王符經學於後世之影響 --- p.642 / Chapter 第十二章 --- 總結 --- p.647 / 參考書目及論文 --- p.651