Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003. Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003.

The main purpose of this thesis is to develop a data quality scorecard (DQS) that aligns the data quality needs of the Data warehouse stakeholder group with selected data quality dimensions. To comprehend the research domain, a general and systematic literature review (SLR) was carried out, after which the research scope was established. Using Design Science Research (DSR) as the methodology to structure the research, three iterations were carried out to achieve the research aim highlighted in this thesis. In the first iteration, as DSR was used as a paradigm, the artefact was build from the results of the general and systematic literature review conduct. A data quality scorecard (DQS) was conceptualised. The result of the SLR and the recommendations for designing an effective scorecard provided the input for the development of the DQS. Using a System Usability Scale (SUS), to validate the usability of the DQS, the results of the first iteration suggest that the DW stakeholders found the DQS useful. The second iteration was conducted to further evaluate the DQS through a run through in the FMCG domain and then conducting a semi-structured interview. The thematic analysis of the semi-structured interviews demonstrated that the stakeholder's participants' found the DQS to be transparent; an additional reporting tool; Integrates; easy to use; consistent; and increases confidence in the data. However, the timeliness data dimension was found to be redundant, necessitating a modification to the DQS. The third iteration was conducted with similar steps as the second iteration but with the modified DQS in the oil and gas domain. The results from the third iteration suggest that DQS is a useful tool that is easy to use on a daily basis. The research contributes to theory by demonstrating a novel approach to DQS design This was achieved by ensuring the design of the DQS aligns with the data quality concern areas of the DW stakeholders and the data quality dimensions. Further, this research lay a good foundation for the future by establishing a DQS model that can be used as a base for further development.

What makes Istanbul special and unique, is not its beauty, but the memories, the good and the bad of people who once lived there and were forced to leave for different reasons. This is something that people could realize as soon as they visit Istanbul and talk to the remaining minority populations who have faced bigotry, prejudice and persecution. Those have kept alive the real meaning of this metropolis. It is the multicultural and cosmopolitan character and especially the religious pluralism and diversity which still manages somehow to survive and characterizes the city and life in it, making it unique and offering a perfect symbolism since Turkey and especially Istanbul has become a significant mediator between the West and the East. Even though the figures have been dramatically changed and decreased, the city has retained some of its multicultural character, and still hosts some of the most important religious institutions. This is the main theme of this thesis, the history, the problems and the panorama of the life in the multicultural Istanbul. It is an overall view on different areas where population from different religious and cultural backgrounds co-existed for years and have a great historic meaning. The mahalles that will be examined in this study are those of Fener, Balat, and Ortakoy from the European side and Kuzguncuk from the Asian one. This thesis will try to highlight the main events which led to the alienation and the shrinkage of the religious populations in Istanbul, and will present a report on the current situation and projects which promote the religious diversity and aim to restore, partly, the glory of the multicultural past. Why nationalism prevailed and how did its predominance affect the multicultural Istanbul? What is the current situation in the neighborhoods which used to or still host populations from different religious backgrounds, and how do the recent cultural initiatives aim to bridge the gap that hatred and policies created?

A l’instar des villes des pays en voie de développement, la croissance de la ville de Bangui fut rapide. Le croît démographique en est la principale cause. La croissance urbaine s’est faite de manière irrégulière et illégale. La ville s’est développée dans une dualité entre les quartiers urbanisés, bien équipés et les quartiers non urbanisés, dépourvus des infrastructures urbaines de base. La politique urbaine de l’Etat, focalisée sur le schéma directeur d’aménagement et d’urbanisme (SDAU), n’est plus à la hauteur de répondre de façon optimale aux besoins de la ville. L’occupation anarchique de l’espace par des quartiers précaires, est la conséquence directe de la politique de l’Etat en matière de gouvernance urbaine. L’inapplicabilité des textes ou des lois qui caractérisent le régime foncier, ont conduit à la création des bidonvilles. Les services de l’eau et de l’assainissement sont en difficulté face à l’explosion urbaine de la ville. L’accès à l’eau potable et à l’assainissement de base de la population n’est pas totalement assuré par ces services. Il se pose alors, un sérieux problème de gouvernance de ces services face à la croissance urbaine de la ville. Le réseau de la société de distribution d’eau ne couvre pas l’ensemble de la ville, et le système d’assainissement est très détérioré. La société de distribution d’eau en Centrafrique (SODECA), n’assure que 32% de l’approvisionnement en eau de la population. Les quartiers défavorisés sont alimentés par des réseaux informels (bornes fontaines, les forages et les puits). Malgré une légère amélioration, l’approvisionnement en eau potable dans ces quartiers, reste un parcours du combattant. Les femmes et les enfants sont les plus touchés. L’espoir de partenariat public-privé (PPP) suscité en 1990, autour de l’eau par SAUR a donné un bilan mitigé en Centrafrique. / Following the example of the cities of the countries in the process of development, the growth of the town of Bangui was fast. Grows is the leading cause. The urban growth was done in an irregular and illegal was. The city developed in a duality between the districts urbanized equipped well and the not urbanized districts, deprived of the basic urban infrastructures. The urban policy of the State, focused on the town planning and master development plan (SDAU), is not any more worthy meeting in an optimal way the needs for the city. The anarchistic occupation of space by dangerous district is the direct consequence of the policy of the State as regards urban governance. The inapplicability of the texts or the laws which characterize the land mode, led to the creation of the slums. The services of water and the cleansing are in difficulty face the urban explosion of the city. The access to drinking water and basic cleansing of the population is not completely ensured by these services. It is posed then, a serious problem of governance of these services face the urban growth of the city. The network of the company of water supply in Central Africa (SODECA), ensured of only 32% of the water provision of the population. The disadvantaged districts are fed by abstract networks (terminals fountains, drilling and wells). In spite of a light improvement, the drinking water supply in these districts stays an assault course. The women and the children are touched. The hope of public-private partnership (PPP) caused 1990, around water by SAUR gave by assessment mitigated in Central Africa.

This Doctoral thesis studies how nudges can help protect the environment. Three empirical and one theoretical studies investigate applications of green nudges and identify situations where they should, or should not, be used to promote environmental conservation. In Chapter 1, we explore the interplay between nudges and financial policy instruments using an incentivized online experiment that reproduces daily energy behaviors. We find that these two tools do not perform better when implemented together than individually. Our results suggest that in some situations, displacements between behavioral and financial policy tools are more likely to arise than synergies. Chapter 2 presents a field study in which a behavioral intervention is used to promote energy conservation in the workplace. Using a difference-in-difference approach, we find a significant reduction in branches’ monthly consumption outside the work schedule only, but not on overall consumption. Our findings suggest that nudges that are effective in the household context do not necessarily prompt behavioral change in the working environment. In Chapter 3, we develop a behavioral model for the usage of in-home displays that provide real-time feedback on energy consumption, focusing on social housing. On top of the cost-benefit analysis between financial and moral utility, on the one hand, and the effort from using them, on the other hand, we add the role of cognitive biases. This study seeks to improve the design of behavioral policies aimed at tackling energy poverty. Chapter 4 presents an incentivized online experiment that studies moral cleansing in the interpersonal and environmental domains. We find that bad behaviors that impact others trigger costly moral cleansing, whereas those that impact the environment do not even trigger costless cleansing. This empirically shows that people perceive environmental issues differently from other moral issues.

This master's thesis deals with the emotional discourses of the association for Sudeten-German Social democrats in Swedish Exile (TG), which in its journal "Blätter" reported on the development of the group and the homeland lost in 1945. This study is limited to an examination of the discourse during the end of the war and the years immediately following, from 1944 to 1948. It also explains how the representatives of the association felt betrayed by so-called phenomena of rupture. The 'history of betrayal' goes back to 1918 and the peace treaties after the First World War, intensifies during the Munich Agreement in 1938 and finally reaches its climax when the Czechoslovak government in exile and even former comrades of the TG turn their backs and instead negotiate with the Soviet Union. This changes the discourse after the end of the war from a positivist perspective, with good connections to Czechoslovakia, to desperate appeals for reason to end the collective guilt, ethnic cleansing and finally develops into ironic anti-communist polemics, as the communists are structured as a scapegoat in the discourse. The anticommunism also serves an integrative function in the Swedish political and social democratic context. Ultimately the communist coup in Czechoslovakia of 1948 made the association feel vindicated in its ideals, but also felt melancholic, as the homeland was now considered lost forever. The purpose of the association is therefore limited to an integrative and culture-preserving function in exile. My research shows that the polemic against an omnipresent Other is more likely to serve the purpose of influencing the Swedish Social Democratic-led government to bring more Sudeten Germans to Sweden after the expulsion, so that a new homeland may be created there, than to directly provoke the Soviet Union or Czechoslovakia for change. / Diese Masterarbeit beschäftigt sich mit Diskursen der "Treuegemeinschaft Sudetendeutscher Sozialdemokraten in Skandinavien" (TG), die aus dem schwedischen Exil über die Entwicklung der Gruppe und der im Jahre 1945 verlorenen Heimat in der Zeitschrift "Blätter" berichtet. Die Arbeit beschränkt sich auf eine Analyse der Zeitschrift während des Kriegsendes und den unmittelbar folgenden Jahren, von 1944 bis 1948. Durch die Arbeit wird erläutert, wie die Vertreter der TG sich durch sog. Abbruchphänomene verraten fühlen. Die 'Verratsgeschichte' geht bis ins Jahr 1918 und den Friedensverträgen nach dem ersten Weltkrieg zurück, intensiviert sich während des Münchner Abkommens im Jahre 1938 und erreicht letztendlich ihren Höhepunkt, als die tschechoslowakische Exilregierung und ehemalige Genossen der TG ihren Rücken kehren und anstelle dessen Gespräche mit der Sowjetunion führen. Dadurch verändert sich der Diskurs nach Kriegsende von einer positivistischen Perspektive, mit guten Verbindungen zur Tschechoslowakei, hin zu panischen Appellen an die Vernunft, die ethnischen Säuberungen zu beenden. Schließlich entwickelt sich der Diskurs zur antikommunistischen Polemik, da die Kommunisten als Sündenbock im Diskurs strukturiert werden. Der Antikommunismus diente auch einer integrativen Funktion. Durch den kommunistischen Putsch in der Tschechoslowakei 1948 fühlte sich der Verein durch seine Ideale bestätigt, aber wurde auch melancholisch, denn die Heimat wird nun als für immer verloren gegolten. Der Zweck des Vereins wird deshalb auf eine integrative und kulturerhaltende Funktion im Exil beschränkt. Meine Untersuchung zeigt, dass die Polemik gegen einen allgegenwärtigen Anderen eher dem Zwecke dient, die schwedische durch die sozialdemokratisch geführte Regierung zu beeinflussen, damit mehr Sudetendeutsche nach der Vertreibung nach Schweden gelangen, um hier eine neue Heimat herzurichten, als die Tschechoslowakei oder die Sowjetunion zu beeinflussen.