The diploma thesis named British reaction to the Arab Spring events in the context of United Kingdom's relations with Persian Gulf countries is concerned with an impact of the revolutionary events of 2011, known as the Arab Spring, on bilateral cooperation between United Kingdom on one side and Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman on the other. While using quantitative analysis approach, it depicts how the Persian Gulf developments were reflected by prominent British representatives and members of the Cameron coalition government. Since the government promised to approach foreign policy matters through a liberal-conservative lens and also planned to further deepen its relations with Persian Gulf countries, the Arab Spring events can be interpreted as a clear dilemma for British policymakers. This thesis aims to answer whether such dilemma forced the government officials to re-asses the traditionally warm attitudes towards Persian Gulf and additionally, it demonstrates which spheres of their cooperation were threatened the most. Firstly, the bilateral relations between United Kingdom and Persian Gulf countries between 1971 and 2010 are described. Then, the focus moves towards the Cameron coalition government and its foreign- policy aims. In its final part, the thesis focuses on British...

[pt] Esta dissertação traz como tema a crise da democracia brasileira atual e como objetivo compreender a sua natureza. Através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que une a Teoria Política e a Ciência Política ao Direito Constitucional, concedendo uma relevância central aos estudos teóricos da politóloga italiana Nadia Urbinati sobre modos de governabilidade desfiguradores da democracia representativa, quais sejam, a antipolítica, o populismo e o plebiscitarismo, a pesquisa bibliográfica busca, através de uma metodologia hipotético-dedutiva, interpretar e compreender a fase atual da terceira república brasileira, sob a ordem da Constituição de 1988, iniciada após as eleições gerais disruptivas de 2018. Neste sentido, sugiro, com base em estudos recentes, que após um breve período iniciado em 2019 com a marca de um governo-movimento caracterizado não apenas pelas três desfigurações democráticas concebidas por Urbinati, mas também por ensaios de ruptura institucional, o Governo eleito em 2018 termina por se render aos mecanismos próprios de um governo de coalizão. Ao fim, concluímos que as desfigurações democráticas (a antipolítica, o populismo e o plebiscitarismo), ou as ameaças de ruptura institucional autoritária, têm sido contidas pelas pressões do Congresso Nacional, com todos os seus custos lícitos e potencialmente ilícitos, pelo exercício da liberdade de imprensa, por pressões da opinião pública, bem como pelo contrapeso exercido pelo Poder Judiciário, dentro do seu papel no jogo de separação dos poderes, mas não impediram a criação de um ambiente de degradação constitucional (constitutional rot), conforme conceituação de Jack Balkin exposta na dissertação. / [en] This dissertation has as its theme the crisis of current Braziliam democracy and aims to understand its nature. Through an interdisciplinary approach that unites Political Theory and Political Science to Constitutional Law, giving a central relevance to the theoretical studies of the Italian political scientist Nadia Urbinati on modes of governability that disfigure representative democracy, namely, anti-politics, populism and plebiscitary. , the bibliographic research seeks, through a hypothetical-deductive methodology, to interpret and understand the current phase of the third Brazilian republic, under the order of the 1988 Constitution, which began after the disruptive general elections of 2018. In this sense, I suggest, based on recent studies, that after a brief period that started in 2019 with the mark of a government movement characterized not only by the three democratic disfigurements conceived by Urbinati but also by tests of institutional rupture, the elected government in 2018 ends up surrendering to the mechanisms of a coalition government. In the end, we conclude that democratic disfigurements (anti-political, populist, and plebiscitary), or threats of authoritarian institutional rupture, have been contained by the pressures of the National Congress, with all its licit and potentially illicit costs, for the exercise of freedom press, by pressure from public opinion, as well as by the balance exercised by the Judiciary, in its role in the game of separation of powers, but they did not prevent the creation of an environment of constitutional degradation (constitutional rot), according to Jack Balkin s conceptualization exposed in the dissertation.

The creation of the National Health Service is treated, analytically and historically, as a planning process involving major changes in the social organisation of health as a part of the larger set of social and economic reconstruction policies undertaken by the wartime Coalition and postwar Labour governments. Definitions of 'health' are considered as relative both to social expectations and ideology, and to theoretical models of the organisation of health services. These models are identified with certain socio-political agents or interests in the providing and consuming of health services: professional groups, public and private authorities, non-professional workers, and the public. The models of the health service advocates and of the medical profession are considered as reference points. A framework is presented for the analysis of the representation of these interests, by the state, in the planning and operation of the NHS, and as beneficiaries of its services. Through a detailed historical consideration of internal health service planning documents of the major interests, including the medical profession, the health service advocates representing the Labour party and trade unions, and recently released documents of the Ministry of Health and the Coalition and Labour Cabinets, the interaction of the interests with the two governments and with each other is traced, and the reconciliation by the state of the health service models proposed by them is analysed. It is argued that the changes wrought in the social organisation of health in Britain can be described according to certain principles of the organisation of pre- and post-NHS health services: principles of public access, structure of services, structure of administrative control and structure of planning representation. Tne major interests were represented differentially by the state with respect to each of these criteria; similarities and differences between the approaches of the two governments to the representation of interests are examined, and it is concluded that, although the health service advocates and the public benefited from a free and universal scheme, the public and non-professional health workers enjoyed considerably less representation than the medical profession in the particular services provided by the NHS and in its planning and administration.