The concern of this thesis is the position of people of alternative genders in Coast Salish culture, not only in the past, but in the present. How were individuals with such a difference treated? What forces constrained them? What factors afforded them opportunity? Were such genders even recognized? With these questions in mind, field work was conducted with the permission of the Std: Id Nation throughout the summer of 1998. This paper is based on interviews conducted then and subsequent interviews with people from other Coast Salish groups. In addition, local ethnographic materials—with reference to field notes whenever possible—and traditional stories were analyzed from the perspective of Coast Salish epistemology. Alternative genders need to be understood foremost in the cultural contexts in which they occur, only then can comparisons proceed from a secure foundation. Research revealed a paradoxical situation. Oral traditions in which the alternately gendered are despised, occur side-by-side with traditions in which such people were honoured for the special powers they possessed. Individuals and families operated in the space generated by this paradox, playing the "serious games" to which Ortner alludes (1996:12-13). The absence of a "master narrative" in Coast Salish culture accounts for some, but not all of these contradictions. Equally relevant are persistent patterns of secrecy, personal autonomy, kin solidarity, differential status, and differential gender flexibility that both restrict the social field and offer stress points that were, and are, manipulated in individual and collective strategies. Given a world view in which transformation was the norm, and in which the disadvantaged could become powerful overnight by revealing the power they had hidden, some alternatively gendered people were able to maximize their potential and become significant forces. No formal roles offered sanction, instead an ad hoc approach marked the response to alternative genders and the outcome rested on the position of the individual and her/his family, and their ability to maneuver within multiple constraints. It was this potential to transform a stigmatized status into an honoured role that made the position of the alternatively gendered paradoxical. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

In 2001, Cowichan Tribes successfully negotiated the protection of an important cultural landscape, preventing imminent logging and development through a treaty-related measures (TRM) agreement with British Columbia (BC), Canada and the Hul’qumi’num Treaty Group (HTG). This was the first land protection TRM in BC which protected 1700 hectares at Hw’teshutsun, located in the Cowichan Valley on southeast Vancouver Island, BC. The TRM followed the declaration of a “tribal preserve” by Cowichan Tribes (Cowichan Tribes, 2000a) and a ceremony between five Hul’q’umi’num’-speaking communities to share, “protect, preserve and maintain Hw’te shutsun for the use and benefit of present and future generations” (Cowichan Tribes, Stz’uminus First Nation, Halalt First Nation, Lyackson First Nation and Penelakut Tribe 2000). This protection TRM is notable as it is an exercise of provincial jurisdiction which attends to the cultural, rather than ecological, value of Hw’teshutsun: legislative actions undertaken through the TRM protect Hw’teshutsun in accordance with Hul’q’umi’num’ teachings. In effect, the TRM is an entanglement of Hul’q’umi’num’ and Canadian law which has resulted in the protection of an off-reserve Hul’q’umi’num’ cultural landscape – a green, forested area observable in satellite imagery amidst a territory that is over 85% privately owned and devastated by logging and urban development. In such a context, the work done by Cowichan Tribes leadership is a significant achievement, a successful assertion of their jurisdiction to protect a Hul’q’umi’num’ cultural landscape in accordance with their teachings. This thesis documents the work done by Cowichan Tribes in asserting their authority and jurisdiction at Hw’teshutsun through both their own legal pathways and in relation to municipal, provincial and federal governments to prevent logging and the construction of a dump and a race car track. Teachings shared by Cowichan Elders and knowledge keepers about Hw’teshutsun stem from an intimate knowledge of “place” (for examples of intimate relationships with place, see Basso 1996; Mohs 1994; Thom 2017; Charlton 2018; Thornton 2008), which is reflected in Hul’q’umi’num’ law (Morales 2014; McLay et al. 2008; Morales and Thom 2020). Through extensive work by Cowichan Tribes leadership, teachings about the integrity of the landscape – particularly quiet and seclusion around places within Hw’teshutsun – shaped exercises of provincial jurisdiction, protecting a large area through rather than typical mitigation strategies that seek to shrink Indigenous peoples’ relationships with the land to tiny, isolated sites. Understanding these legal entanglements opens possibilities for innovative governance that attends to Indigenous peoples’ teachings of places and their enactments of their own laws shaping the governance of shared landscapes. / Graduate

Landscape is a medium of expression and a reflection of the beliefs of the people who inhabit it. It carries symbolic meanings that emerge from the values by which people define themselves; values grounded in culture. These symbols stem from elements of the natural environment, stories passed on through generations, or from experiences interacting with others. The indigenous peoples of Canada have a culture rich in traditional art, ceremony, and sustainable development and holistic integration of landscape. Contemporary First Nation culture draws from this past to inform the future. This phenomenon exemplifies the necessity for cultural expression in First Nation landscapes of today. The Semiahmoo First Nation in Lower Mainland British Columbia is a Coast Salish group occupying approximately 380 acres of land on the Pacific coastline. River and estuarine habitats, significant species richness and dense vegetation characterize the area and identify the primary motive for Semiahmoo traditional encampment on its shores. Changes in the past century have included colonial settlement to the region, periods of industrial and resource economies, a decrease in band population and subsequent decline in cultural practices. Current increasing recreation and development interests have created urgency for the reawakening of cultural expression in the landscape. Initial literature research about First Nations in Northwest Canada and a biophysical analysis provided introductory information, followed by community discussions which provided a deeper understanding of the people and of the place. A design vocabulary of traditional and contemporary elements was composed to guide and unify the program and spatial components of the design. The resulting design focuses on the public realm of the Reserve clearly defining Semiahmoo identity and sense of place. Land use issues were addressed and delineated public and private areas, ecological enhancements and displayed potential for growth on the site. The design respects the bicultural interface of the Reserve while providing cultural and environmental education. The First Nation value system possesses a tangible and spiritual quality; rooted in the creatures and elements of their surroundings. Expression of the Semiahmoo peoples' beliefs and values in the landscape enriches the experiential qualities of the place and reverence for its past and future.

Landscape is a medium of expression and a reflection of the beliefs of the people who inhabit it. It carries symbolic meanings that emerge from the values by which people define themselves; values grounded in culture. These symbols stem from elements of the natural environment, stories passed on through generations, or from experiences interacting with others. The indigenous peoples of Canada have a culture rich in traditional art, ceremony, and sustainable development and holistic integration of landscape. Contemporary First Nation culture draws from this past to inform the future. This phenomenon exemplifies the necessity for cultural expression in First Nation landscapes of today. The Semiahmoo First Nation in Lower Mainland British Columbia is a Coast Salish group occupying approximately 380 acres of land on the Pacific coastline. River and estuarine habitats, significant species richness and dense vegetation characterize the area and identify the primary motive for Semiahmoo traditional encampment on its shores. Changes in the past century have included colonial settlement to the region, periods of industrial and resource economies, a decrease in band population and subsequent decline in cultural practices. Current increasing recreation and development interests have created urgency for the reawakening of cultural expression in the landscape. Initial literature research about First Nations in Northwest Canada and a biophysical analysis provided introductory information, followed by community discussions which provided a deeper understanding of the people and of the place. A design vocabulary of traditional and contemporary elements was composed to guide and unify the program and spatial components of the design. The resulting design focuses on the public realm of the Reserve clearly defining Semiahmoo identity and sense of place. Land use issues were addressed and delineated public and private areas, ecological enhancements and displayed potential for growth on the site. The design respects the bicultural interface of the Reserve while providing cultural and environmental education. The First Nation value system possesses a tangible and spiritual quality; rooted in the creatures and elements of their surroundings. Expression of the Semiahmoo peoples' beliefs and values in the landscape enriches the experiential qualities of the place and reverence for its past and future. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Architecture and Landscape Architecture (SALA), School of / Graduate

In 1997 the University of Victoria began to develop a vision for a First Peoples House with the objective of constructing a welcoming Coast Salish home on the university campus. This vision was realized in 2009 when the First Peoples House opened to the university community and public. Goals stemming from early discussions of a First Peoples House included a house that would support Indigenous culture, community events, and showcase Indigenous art. The First Peoples House represents a case study of how Indigenous artists and their material culture intersect with new Indigenous architecture. This paper is a supporting document to accompany a documentary film showcasing Indigenous artists and key players who participated in the development of the First Peoples House. The purpose of this paper and film is to document developmental stages of the First Peoples House that includes material culture—“art”—embedded within the architecture of the house. Nine interviews include the artistic vision of six artists whose work is represented in the house, and three individuals who were involved in early developmental and current phases of the First Peoples House. The research is placed in a historical context respecting the relationship between Indigenous architecture, residential schools, space and place and material culture. Film adds another dimension to the scope of this paper. Together, the paper and film form a visual and critical analysis highlighting historical shifts along with contemporary understandings of cultural narratives, material culture, Indigenous culture and architecture as integrated within the First Peoples House at the University of Victoria. / Graduate

This ethnographic research project examines the re-creation, performance and dissemination of identity through performance (storytelling, song, and dance) at a tourist site, Hiwus Feasthouse. In general, this thesis examines how the Salish negotiate meaning and significance through performance. The overall objective is to explore what Hiwus, as a site for creating and performing identity, means to the Coast Salish people who work there. This thesis demonstrates how the Salish at Hiwus have a great deal of agency in terms of the content of performances, unlike many other tourist sites where the corporation often controls the program. I suggest that the Salish employees express layers of a "meshed identity" - local, ethnic-tribal, Canadian, and pan-Indian - at different times throughout the performances. I also suggest that the First Nations people at Hiwus deconstruct the "imaginary Indian" via performance and valorize their own re-imagination of history and identity. I propose that they do this by drawing on Salish epistemology and world-views. In particular, I demonstrate how Salish understandings of "place" and the use of a "ceremonial framework" at Hiwus provide the Salish a way of sorting through multiple zones of contact. This thesis contributes to the anthropological literature on tourism in that it focuses on First Nations people's agency, views, and perspectives. I also challenge problematic terms such as authenticity, "staged authenticity," and tradition. The current literature on tourism lacks a workable theoretical framework for examining the dialogical interactions at tourist sites. I attempt to deal with this dilemma by drawing on my own ethnographic data, complemented by the existing ethnographic literature, to examine how the Salish perform identity and culture at Hiwus.

This ethnographic research project examines the re-creation, performance and dissemination of identity through performance (storytelling, song, and dance) at a tourist site, Hiwus Feasthouse. In general, this thesis examines how the Salish negotiate meaning and significance through performance. The overall objective is to explore what Hiwus, as a site for creating and performing identity, means to the Coast Salish people who work there. This thesis demonstrates how the Salish at Hiwus have a great deal of agency in terms of the content of performances, unlike many other tourist sites where the corporation often controls the program. I suggest that the Salish employees express layers of a "meshed identity" - local, ethnic-tribal, Canadian, and pan-Indian - at different times throughout the performances. I also suggest that the First Nations people at Hiwus deconstruct the "imaginary Indian" via performance and valorize their own re-imagination of history and identity. I propose that they do this by drawing on Salish epistemology and world-views. In particular, I demonstrate how Salish understandings of "place" and the use of a "ceremonial framework" at Hiwus provide the Salish a way of sorting through multiple zones of contact. This thesis contributes to the anthropological literature on tourism in that it focuses on First Nations people's agency, views, and perspectives. I also challenge problematic terms such as authenticity, "staged authenticity," and tradition. The current literature on tourism lacks a workable theoretical framework for examining the dialogical interactions at tourist sites. I attempt to deal with this dilemma by drawing on my own ethnographic data, complemented by the existing ethnographic literature, to examine how the Salish perform identity and culture at Hiwus. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

This paper is about cultural area of the Northwest Coast and especially about art of a few groups of native people who lived and still live there. The subjekt of this paper is mainly a theretical analysis of the most important artistic artifacts. Particula attention is paid to developmental transformations of traditional artifacts and their function in modern society. The goal is to capture the importance of artistic traditions of American Indians, especially the Salish group, in the kontext of the current revitalization movement. Major emphasis is placed on the role of native artistic artifacts in the commercial use of historici and cultural heritage of the area. The paper examines the influence of art on the perception of identity of indigenous peoples.

In the past, the Ministry of Social Services and Housing has placed many native children from the Seabird Island Band, a Salish band in the Sta’lo Nation, in permanent placement or adoption off the reserve. Government agencies imposed a system of child welfare that superseded Seabird Island adoption practices. The Seabird Island Band members would prefer to see these children placed within the band through ‘custom’ adoption. In apprehension and placement court cases, the band social worker has needed documented information defining ‘custom’ adoption, and data regarding the benefits of this Seabird Island process. This thesis investigates and documents the process and results of adoption on the Seabird Island Indian Reserve. This thesis begins with a brief history of Canadian adoption policy as it applies to First Nations people. The thesis is based on detailed taped interviews with Seabird Island Band members who had experienced foster care and/or adoption. This fieldwork was the result of negotiation with the Seabird Island Band to discover the type of research that they needed. The thesis documents four kinds of adoption experience of the Seabird Island members: foster care, closed legal adoption, open adoption, and ‘custom’ adoption. In my analysis of these adoption experiences, three main themes occur: (1) issues of ethnic identity, (2) power and the child welfare system, and (3) the definition and functions of ‘custom’ adoption. The thesis concludes that the imposed system of child welfare based on Euro-western ideas of appropriate child care may have destroyed or seriously damaged some Seabird Island Band members’ sense of ethnic identity. As well, it may be a factor in the break-up of the extended family. ‘Custom’ adoption, as defined by Seabird Island Band members, offers an alternate model for keeping apprehended Seabird Island children within the band. Open adoption, as defined by the pilot project documented, is an alternative for those children who cannot be returned to the band. I have made several recommendations in the conclusion for the Seabird Island Band’s consideration.

Maracle responds to the question of how she developed as a public intellectual. She describes how she has reworked English to "suit the Salish sensibility."