Porphyra abbottiae Krishnamurthy (Rhodophyta) is an intertidal red alga harvested by a number of coastal First Nations in British Columbia. The Kwakwaka’wakw have a long history of harvesting P. abbottiae as food and medicine, reflected in the language, songs and stories of the Kwakwaka’wakw oral tradition. Harvesting and drying practices for this alga have undergone changes with the introduction of new technologies and a decrease in time available for seaweed harvesting. The adoption of timesaving equipment into the seaweed harvest has given harvesters the flexibility to work around constraints including work and school obligations, tides, long distances to harvesting sites, and unpredictable weather conditions. Harvesting and drying practices reflect a thorough understanding of the lifecycle, biology, and ecology of P. abbottiae. Timing of the harvest during the seasonal round optimizes the taste and texture of P. abbottiae fronds while avoiding the seaweed in its reproductive stage. Songs and taboos associated with the harvest promote safety and efficiency while harvesting the seaweed. Concerns about potential contamination of edible seaweed led to the second part of this research: testing for metal contamination. Inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry analysis for selected metals and trace elements revealed the presence of arsenic, cadmium, lead, and mercury in Porphyra abbottiae sampled from the southern Queen Charlotte and Broughton Straits. Mercury concentrations fell below the detection limit of 0.01 ng/mL in 28 of 112 samples. Calcium was the most abundant element measured, averaging 1445 mg/kg dry seaweed. The remaining metals, in decreasing order of concentration, are: Fe>As>Zn>Mn>Cu>Cd>Pb>Cr>Co>Se>Hg. Copper-zinc (r=0.835) and copper-lead (r=0.948) concentrations are significantly correlated (p<0.05), suggesting selective uptake of these elements. PCA analysis suggests that the location of harvesting sites within specific water channels is influencing metal concentrations. Hazard quotients calculated using guidelines set by Health Canada and the World Health Organization revealed that, among the suite of elements surveyed, arsenic followed by cadmium ranked the highest in relative risk for consumers of P. abbottiae. An average 60 kg adult consumer can safely consume approximately 9.4 g dried seaweed per day and not exceed tolerable upper intake limit guidelines. In conclusion, Porphyra abbottiae can be eaten in moderation with minimal risk of chronic metal contamination. Kwakwaka’wakw consumers can also benefit from cultural reconnection with this important traditional food. / Graduate

Kwak’wala is an endangered language spoken by the Kwakwaka’wakw First Nations of the central coast of British Columbia. This dissertation seeks to address the ramifications of Kwak’wala language loss to Kwakwaka’wakw cultural worldview. It asks the general question, “How much of an effect does Kwak’wala language loss have on cultural understanding?” It seeks to answer the question through a specific analysis of the concept of space mapped through linguistic and artistic expression. The concept of space is integral to the understanding of the body in relationship to objects, people, social structure and geographic conceptualization. Through linguistic morphological analysis a corpus of approximately 600 word and phrase examples drawn from the linguistic documentation of Franz Boas and George Hunt, David Grubb, the website First Voices and contemporary Kwak’wala speakers was analyzed for semantic content (meaning). The content (meanings of words and phrases) was then contextualized into broader cultural expressions and beliefs through prototype theory, radial categorization, metaphor and analogy. The dissertation then explores the connections between “linguistic” spatial expression represented through words and speech with what can be considered as “non-linguistic” cultural expressions such as architecture, social structure, performance and visual art. Four major visual works were created that sought to express aspects of the spatial concepts that were emerging from the Kwak’wala linguistic study. Ultimately, the research reveals a strong spatial mapping process between the human body, the architecture of “the house” and the landscape traditionally occupied by the Kwakwaka’wakw which results in a metaphorical conceptualization of Body=House=Land/World which can be said to exist in Kwak’wala language forms and translates as highly productive in cultural manifestations. With the replacement of Kwak’wala by English the strength of this metaphor is weakened but not eradicated within Kwakwaka’wakw cultural expression. / Graduate / 0326 / 0740 / 0729 / 0377 / 0357 / 0273 / 0290 / marianne.nicolson@gmail.com

With its myriad of relationships, my study considers the Laich-Kwil-Tach enlivened world in which multiple beings bring meaning and understanding to life. Through exploration of Laich-Kwil-Tach ontology I engage with the theoretical concepts of animism, historical ecology and political ecology, in what I call relational ecology. Here, I examine the divide between the relational world and what Western ontology considers a natural resource; fish. Through an analysis of ethnographic texts I work to elucidate the 19th-century human-fish relationship and through collaboration with Laich-Kwil-Tach Elders, based on Vancouver Island on the Northwest Coast of North America, I seek to understand how the 19th-century enlivened world informs 21st-century Laich-Kwil-Tach ontology. In this ethnographic and ethnohistorical account of the relationship between Laich-Kwil-Tach people and fish I grapple with the question of how, within a framework of ontological difference, we can better understand foundations of Indigenous rights and find ways to respect and give agency to multiple forms of knowledge in practice. In the spirit of reconciliation, decolonization and a renewed understanding of ontological multiplicity we are challenged to create analytical frameworks that include both human and nonhuman interests and relationships. Doing so requires engagement with any number of ontological propositions and it requires a confrontation with hegemonic ontological assumptions inherent in the Western scientific, bureaucratic and legal paradigms. By accepting western-based science as one among many ways of producing knowledge, space is made for other forms of knowledge. In the process we are better able to respect Indigenous land and marine tenure systems, as well as the Indigenous right to maintain a long-standing and on-going relationship with other beings and all that this entails. / Graduate

In 1921, the Canadian government confiscated over 400 pieces of Kwakwaka’wakw potlatch regalia and placed it in three large museums. In 1967 the Kwakwaka'wakw initiated a long process of repatriation resulting in the majority of the collection returning to two Kwakwaka’wakw cultural centres over the last four decades. Through the theoretical framework of object biography and using the museum register as a tool to reconstruct the lives of the potlatch regalia, this thesis explores the multiple paths, diversions and oscillations between objecthood and subjecthood that the collection has undergone. This thesis constructs an exhibition history for the regalia, examines processes of institutional forgetting, and adds multiple layers of meaning to the collection's biography by attending to the post-repatriation life of the objects. By revisiting this pivotal Canadian case, diversions are emphasized as important moments in the creation of subjecthood and objecthood for museum objects.

In 1921, the Canadian government confiscated over 400 pieces of Kwakwaka’wakw potlatch regalia and placed it in three large museums. In 1967 the Kwakwaka'wakw initiated a long process of repatriation resulting in the majority of the collection returning to two Kwakwaka’wakw cultural centres over the last four decades. Through the theoretical framework of object biography and using the museum register as a tool to reconstruct the lives of the potlatch regalia, this thesis explores the multiple paths, diversions and oscillations between objecthood and subjecthood that the collection has undergone. This thesis constructs an exhibition history for the regalia, examines processes of institutional forgetting, and adds multiple layers of meaning to the collection's biography by attending to the post-repatriation life of the objects. By revisiting this pivotal Canadian case, diversions are emphasized as important moments in the creation of subjecthood and objecthood for museum objects.

This thesis focuses on the traditional cultivation of an edible root species by Kwaxsistalla, Clan Chief Adam Dick, of the Qawadiliqalla Clan, of the Dzawada ēnuxw, a subgroup of Kwakwaka’wakw, occupying the Kingcome Inlet area on the Central Coast of British Columbia. Kwaxsistalla is a traditionally trained Clan Chief and potlatch speaker with recognized authority to share his detailed knowledge and experiences of his clan’s food production system. This research is centered on his Clan’s tekkillakw (estuarine salt marsh root garden) root gardens of the Kingcome River estuary, and the long-standing practices associated with the large-scale production of tleksem Pacific silverweed [Argentina egedii (Wormsk.) Rydb.; syn. Potentilla pacifica (L.) Howell.], is one of the four cultivated root species. Kwaxsistalla has shared his hands-on knowledge of how root garden cultivation fits into his family’s seasonal patterns of food production as well as detailed accounts of how to construct and use tools for cultivating, weeding, harvesting, and cooking estuarine roots. He has also provided information that has been instrumental in developing a model of aboriginal management of estuarine root gardens (Deur 2005). This thesis builds on Deur’s model by attempting to experimentally replicate tekkillakw management in order to better understand the management effect on the abundance, size, and flavour of Argentina egedii roots. Over the course of the 2008 growing season I randomly subjected 60 ¼ square meter patches of Kwaxsistalla’s fallow tekkillakw to either a “till” or “till + weed” treatment and allocated 30 similar patches as a control. I applied a roto-tilling treatment just prior to the growing season, a weeding treatment mid-summer, and harvested the roots near the end of the growing season. While the short duration of my study and use of a roto-tiller limit the inferential power of my results, I found that tilling and weeding significantly increased the abundance or A. egedii but significantly decreased the root size. Throughout the same 2008 field season I also collected root specimens for analysis of their bitter and sweet constituents and found (bitter) tannins concentrations to be highest in the late summer and lowest in the spring and fall. / Graduate

The reason for this story was to investigate a narrative that is important to the identity of North America’s Pacific Northwest Coast – a narrative that revolves around wild salmon, a narrative that always seemed too simple to me, a narrative that gives salmon a mythical status, and yet what does the average person know about this fish other than it floods grocery stores in fall and tastes good. How do we know this fish that supposedly defines the natural world of this place? I began my research as a science writer, inspired by John Steinbeck’s The Log from the Sea of Cortez, in which he writes that the best way to achieve reality is by combining narrative with scientific data. So I went looking for a different story from the one most people read about in popular media, a story that’s overwhelmingly about conflict: I searched for a narrative that combines the science of what we know about salmon and a story of the scientists who study the fish, either directly or indirectly. I tried to follow Steinbeck’s example and include the narrative journeys we take in understanding the world around us, the journeys that rarely make it into scientific journals. I went on about eight field trips with biology, ecology, and archaeology lab teams from the University of British Columbia and Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, with the Department of Fisheries and Oceans onboard the Canadian Coast Guard Ship the W.E. Ricker, and an archaeological crew from the Laich-Kwil-Tach Treaty Society in Campbell River, B.C. At the same time, I was reading a number of things, including a 1938 dissertation by anthropologist Homer Barnett from the University of Oregon titled The Nature and Function of the Potlatch, a 2011 book by economist Ronald Trosper at the University of Arizona, Resilience, Reciprocity and Ecological Economics, and works by psychologist Douglas Medin at Northwestern University and anthropologist Scott Atran at the University of Michigan, written over the past two decades, particular paying attention to their writings on taxonomy and folkbiology. My conclusions surprised me, a little. / Graduate / 0329 / 0324 / 0391

The reason for this story was to investigate a narrative that is important to the identity of North America’s Pacific Northwest Coast – a narrative that revolves around wild salmon, a narrative that always seemed too simple to me, a narrative that gives salmon a mythical status, and yet what does the average person know about this fish other than it floods grocery stores in fall and tastes good. How do we know this fish that supposedly defines the natural world of this place? I began my research as a science writer, inspired by John Steinbeck’s The Log from the Sea of Cortez, in which he writes that the best way to achieve reality is by combining narrative with scientific data. So I went looking for a different story from the one most people read about in popular media, a story that’s overwhelmingly about conflict: I searched for a narrative that combines the science of what we know about salmon and a story of the scientists who study the fish, either directly or indirectly. I tried to follow Steinbeck’s example and include the narrative journeys we take in understanding the world around us, the journeys that rarely make it into scientific journals. I went on about eight field trips with biology, ecology, and archaeology lab teams from the University of British Columbia and Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, with the Department of Fisheries and Oceans onboard the Canadian Coast Guard Ship the W.E. Ricker, and an archaeological crew from the Laich-Kwil-Tach Treaty Society in Campbell River, B.C. At the same time, I was reading a number of things, including a 1938 dissertation by anthropologist Homer Barnett from the University of Oregon titled The Nature and Function of the Potlatch, a 2011 book by economist Ronald Trosper at the University of Arizona, Resilience, Reciprocity and Ecological Economics, and works by psychologist Douglas Medin at Northwestern University and anthropologist Scott Atran at the University of Michigan, written over the past two decades, particular paying attention to their writings on taxonomy and folkbiology. My conclusions surprised me, a little. / Graduate / 0329 / 0324 / 0391

Eelgrass, Zostera marina L. (Zosteraceae), is a flowering marine plant in coastal regions in the Northern hemisphere. Apart from its significance as habitat for a diversity of marine organisms, it has been a direct resource in European and American economies, and once was a food source for people along the Pacific Coast of North America. This interdisciplinary study documented protocols and specifics of the Kwakwaka’wakw ts’áts’ayem (eelgrass) harvesting tradition in British Columbia, and how their methods of harvesting affected the remaining plants’ growth. Through interviewing 18 traditional eelgrass harvesters and participating in six harvesting sampling events, I documented the detailed protocols of the Kwakwaka’wakw eelgrass harvesting tradition. Based on the protocols of traditional ts’áts’ayem harvesting, I developed harvesting removal experiments in a dense Z. marina populations on Quadra Island (2005) and at Tsawwassen (2006) to examine the effects that traditional harvesting of eelgrass would have had on a shoot production and rhizome internode volume, within a growing season. At the Quadra site, a June treatment of between approximately 15 and 56% shoot removal corresponded with shoot regeneration above original numbers. An approximate 60% removal corresponded with the highest new shoot production after treatment, indicating the strong capacity of eelgrass meadows to promote new shoots after removal disturbance. Based on fieldwork with traditional knowledge holders, I estimate that traditionally harvesting would have been between 10-30% removal within areas the size of the experimental plots. Shoot regeneration, net shoot production and rhizome production results at the Quadra site supported the theory that a light amount of harvesting removal such that was conducted by Kwakwaka’wakw harvesters would have been within a level for full regeneration, and possibly even enhanced shoot population and rhizome production (measured by internode volume). Tsawwassen experiment treatment was applied too late in the season to show an effect of harvest, but the design provided efficient methodology for future experiments. Ecology literature substantiated many of the traditional eelgrass protocols documented in this study, strongly supporting the theory that eelgrass harvesting was a sustainable practice. Scientific literature about pollution also corroborated and explained the observations of elders on the state of today’s eelgrass: few locations yielded ts’áts’ayem fit to eat, as specimens were small, had heavy epiphytic growth and dark rhizomes that Kwakwaka’wakw consultants had not seen in their youth. The combination of traditional ecological knowledge and scientific inquiry holds much potential for providing a better understanding of eelgrass ecology and dynamics, and for defining concepts of sustainability and conservation of this important resource.

In 1997 the University of Victoria began to develop a vision for a First Peoples House with the objective of constructing a welcoming Coast Salish home on the university campus. This vision was realized in 2009 when the First Peoples House opened to the university community and public. Goals stemming from early discussions of a First Peoples House included a house that would support Indigenous culture, community events, and showcase Indigenous art. The First Peoples House represents a case study of how Indigenous artists and their material culture intersect with new Indigenous architecture. This paper is a supporting document to accompany a documentary film showcasing Indigenous artists and key players who participated in the development of the First Peoples House. The purpose of this paper and film is to document developmental stages of the First Peoples House that includes material culture—“art”—embedded within the architecture of the house. Nine interviews include the artistic vision of six artists whose work is represented in the house, and three individuals who were involved in early developmental and current phases of the First Peoples House. The research is placed in a historical context respecting the relationship between Indigenous architecture, residential schools, space and place and material culture. Film adds another dimension to the scope of this paper. Together, the paper and film form a visual and critical analysis highlighting historical shifts along with contemporary understandings of cultural narratives, material culture, Indigenous culture and architecture as integrated within the First Peoples House at the University of Victoria. / Graduate