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Thesis (M.S. - Renewable Natural Resources)--University of Arizona, 1986. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-80).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 406-419).

The Fish Creek-Vallecito section is the most stratigraphically complete and structurally intact Neogene exposure in the Salton Trough, and thus provides a useful reference section for regional stratigraphie revision and historical interpretation of the early Gulf of California and Colorado Delta. The section comprises a marine sequence (Imperial Formation) bracketed by nonmarine units (Split Mountain and Alverson Formations below, Palm Spring Formation and Canebrake Conglomerate above). Recognition of distinct suites of locally-derived and Colorado River-derived sediment, combined with sedimentological evidence, led to revision of this sequence in terms of informal members and geneticstratigraphic units: (1) pre-rift braided-stream deposits (2) syn-rift fanglomerates and volcanics, with local pre-marine evaporites; (3) pre-deltaic marine units, deposited primarily as small fan deltas; a progradational sequence of the ancestral Colorado delta, consisting of (4) an upward-shoaling marine sequence, and (5) a nonmarine deltaplain sequence; (6) lacustrine units; and (7) locally-derived basinmargin alluvium that interfingers with (4), (5) and (6). Neogene palinspastic base maps for paleogeographic mapping were based on displacement histories for the Pacific-North American plate boundary and its constituent faults. The tectonic-sedimentary history consists of: (1) early to middle Miocene rifting that propagated southward from southern California to the Gulf mouth; (2) northward marine transgression of the rift basin, reaching southern California by the late Miocene; (3) development of the San Andreas-Gulf of California transform boundary by inboard transfer of intraplate slip; (4) earliest Pliocene initiation of the lower Colorado River and Delta by rapid epeirogenic uplift of the Bouse Embayment; and (5) late Pliocene or Pleistocene transpressive uplift in the western Salton Trough caused by outboard transfer of slip from the San Andreas fault. The stratigraphic succession in the western Salton Trough resulted largely from tectonic transport through a series of paleoenvironments anchored to the North American plate by the entry point of the Colorado River.

It has been said that watersheds and aquifers ignore political boundaries. This phenomenon is often the reason for extensive regulation of surface -water and ground -water resources which are shared by two or more political entities. Regulation is often the result of years of litigation over who really owns the water, how much is owned, and how much is available for future use. Groundwater models are sometimes used as quantitative tools which aid in the decision making process regarding appropriation and regulation of these scarce, shared, water resources. The following few paragraphs detail the occurrences in the Lower Rio Grande Basin which led to the current ground -water modeling effort. New Mexico, Texas and Mexico have wrestled forever over the rights to the Lower Rio Grande and the aquifers of the Rio Grande Basin (Figure 1). As early as 1867, due to a flood event on the Rio Grande, Texas and Mexico were disputing the new border created by the migrating Rio Grande. During the 1890's, the users upstream from the Mesilla and El Paso Valleys were diverting and applying so much of the Rio Grande that the Mesilla and El Paso valley farmers litigated in order to apportion and guarantee the supply. In the recent past, disputes over who may use the ground -water resources of the region and the effect of surface- water uses on aquifer water levels resulted in litigation between El Paso, Texas, and New Mexico.

This study addresses the question: "What are the incentives and disincentives for conflict prevention and mitigation in the Bureau of Reclamation (Reclamation), and how do they factor into Reclamation's management of water in the western United States?" Incentives and disincentives for conflict prevention (i.e., actions taken to avoid conflict) and mitigation (i.e., actions taken to resolve, manage, or temper a conflictive situation after conflict has occurred) are identified through a survey and focus groups of Reclamation employees. The two dominant disincentives identified are a lack of resources and Reclamation's organizational culture--specifically its reliance on crisis management, water delivery tunnel vision, and being slow to change. Other disincentives include a lack of forward planning, the existence of an acceptable bandwidth or level of conflict, a perception that conflict is unavoidable or entrenched, politics, and limits on acceptable actions associated with the legal authorization of Reclamation projects. Fewer incentives for conflict prevention and mitigation were identified, but include, pressure from higher management, the promotion of collaboration within the Bureau, and a desire to avoid litigation. The institutional analysis and development (IAD) framework offers some insight into how these incentives and disincentives factored into the implementation of the Water2025 Initiative, and Reclamation’s experience with the Middle Rio Grande silvery minnow and the Endangered Species Act. As attributes of the community and rules-in-use, incentives and disincentives such as organizational culture, politics, funding availability, the desire to avoid litigation, the promotion of collaboration within the agency, and a lack of planning effort offer possible explanations of why Reclamation chose to act as it did. / Graduation date: 2012

The recent passage of the Swing-Johnson bill by Congress and its approval by the President has been the signal for a general rejoicing throughout the West, and especially in Southern California, the section to be meet directly benefited by this legislation. There has been a widespread feeling that the long fight for Federal development of this great western river is over, and that we may begin shortly to realize some concrete returns upon our investment. Press reports indicate that many are already seeking work on the construction of the dam at Black Canyon, in anticipation of the immediate launching of the project. · "Wild cat" employment agencies have sprung up and are extorting fees from work-seekers by promises of good positions on the construction job. Real estate "sharks" are already active and have promoted the sale of much land which they represent as being situated in a favorable spot for irrigation from water to be impounded by the dam. Much of this land is said by the government to be situated several hundred feet above the level of the proposed dam to be unfit for use even if water were available. To forestall this exploitation of men and land the government has recently issued a timely warning to the effect that it will be at least eighteen months before work on the construction of the dam is actually begun and that no homesteading claims on land under the project will be allowed until its completion which will be about eight years. !his announcement may come as somewhat of a shock to many optimists unacquainted with the actual provisions of the bill, for them it may be said that much depends upon the possibility of reaching a satisfactory solution of the problem of water allocation between California and Arizona. To date such a solution has not been reached and unless Arizona is satisfied it is highly probable that the question will be carried to the courts and long months of litigation ensue. If a satisfactory compromise is reached, the launching of the work will not be· long delayed. Of the ultimate outcome there can be no doubt, and the future seems to hold a very rich promise for the great Southwest. As this subject is approached for study one is somewhat overwhelmed by its many ramifications. The engineering problems alone are of tremendous scope. The legal aspects of the question furnish material for exhaustive study. The political issues tend to claim a greater place than their real merit would seem to justify. While all the different phases of the question are somewhat closely bound together, it has been the purpose of the writer in this study to draw at least a faint line of demarcation and confine it as much as possible to the economic aspects. The Boulder Canyon Project Act proposes a four fold plan of economic development; namely, flood-control, irrigation, power development and domestic water-supply. It is to these features that most attention will be given, together with the historical background of the program. It would be only just at this point to acknowledge the very generous response to calls sent out by the writer for reference material. More than a score of individuals and organizations responded with most gratifying results. Included in these were the governors of the seven states in the Colorado River basin, Senator Hiram W. Johnson and Congressman Philip Swing of California, co-authors of the Swing-Johnson bill; the Chairmen of the Senate and House committees on Irrigation and Reclamation; the Pacific Gas and Electric Company; the Southern California Edison Company; the Boulder Dam Association, and many others.