Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Finanzas / Corvalán, Nicolás, 1983-[Parte I Por múltiplos],Valderrama, Cristián, 1986- [Parte II Por flujo de caja descontado] / El siguiente informe tiene por objetivo la valoración del Holding de aerolíneas Avianca holdings al 30 de septiembre 2014 utilizando toda la información disponible desde diciembre 2011. La Valoración fue realizada mediante 2 métodos; flujos de caja descontados y de múltiplos comparables. En la primera sección de este informe se realiza una descripción completa de la empresa de sus estados financieros, estructura y sociedades participantes como también un análisis de la industria en que desarrolla sus operaciones. La segunda y tercera parte desarrolla los métodos antes descritos incluyendo cálculos y criterios empleados para la valoración. Avianca Holdings empresa asociada al área del transporte aéreo, transporte de carga y correo, actividades conexas (Star Alliance) con ingresos superiores a USD MM$ 4.500 anuales, está compuesta por 27 aerolíneas, que en conjunto operan más de 4.500 aeronaves que permite abarcar 100 destinos en 26 países distintos. Lo anterior posiciona al Holding como una empresa líder a nivel latinoamericano siendo la numero uno en Colombia con más de 8.5 millones de pasajeros al año. Este informe estima proyecciones de crecimiento de para los próximos 5 años y sustenta una proyección de ingresos de operación con base en una expansión de flota e inversión en activos de Avianca para los próximas años.

Magíster en Dirección y Administración de Proyectos Inmobiliarios / El tema de la renovación urbana de áreas centrales en Colombia ha sido de los que más auge e importancia ha tenido en los últimos 10 años, debido a la escases de la tierra que la ciudad presenta, este tema ha sido estudiado desde los diferentes ámbitos, ya sea arquitectónico, urbanístico, económico, legislativo, político, ambiental o social, no obstante aún cuesta llevar a cabo procesos de renovación de manera eficiente. Hoy en día, se continúan analizando y generando nuevas maneras, métodos y leyes, para realizar un proceso de renovación urbana que involucre a los residentes, el distrito y el agente privado, donde se desarrolle una estructura organizacional en la cual cada uno de sus involucrados obtenga beneficios según su aporte, pero que además de generar beneficios físicos y económicos, genere también beneficios ambientales, de calidad de vida y principalmente sociales.

Tesis para optar al título de Doctor en Economía / Autor no envía autorización, para ser publicada en el Portal de Tesis Electrónicas de la U. de Chile. / El tema principal de esta investigaci on es la relaci on entre shocks poblacionales por desplazamiento forzado y la presi on de poblaci on joven con la din amica de los homicidios en Colombia. El trabajo consta de tres cap tulos que estudian el impacto de los cambios demogr a cos en la delincuencia colombiana medida en los delitos que afectan la seguridad ciudadana. Se estudia el efecto de los cambios en la poblaci on por recepci on de desplazados forzados y la presi on demogr a ca, dada por el tama~no de poblaci on joven sobre la din amica de los homicidios en Colombia. El primer cap tulo, \Efecto de shocks demogr a cos por desplazamiento forzado en la delincuencia colombiana", muestra c omo los desplazados recorren largas distancias hacia las capitales de los departamentos y los delitos no var an de un a~no a otro, aunque se acumulan en determinados municipios. Tambi en, se encuentra que los ujos por desplazamiento forzado afectan a los municipios receptores, siendo un efecto peque~no y poco persistente en el tiempo. En general, este documento pretende responder al siguiente interrogante: >el aumento en los ujos de desplazamiento provoca incrementos en los ndices de delincuencia regional?. El segundo cap tulo, \Efecto de la poblaci on joven sobre la criminalidad en Co- lombia", estudia el riesgo de criminalidad a partir de la mayor densidad de poblaci on joven (youth bulges) usando el ndice de criminalidad propuesto por CERAC1. Este apartado pretende analizar la pregunta: >existe alg un v nculo entre tama~no y densidad de la poblaci on joven en las regiones con la variaci on de los delitos que afectan la seguridad ciudadana?. El indicador de criminalidad propuesto est a compuesto por homicidios, hurtos y lesiones, y sirve como medida de inseguridad regional para comparar con el tama~no de la poblaci on residente local junto con variables de control econ omicas, pol ticas y de presencia de con icto. El tercer cap tulo, \Persistencia espacial de los homicidios en Colombia", utiliza los alcances previos junto con la cobertura educativa y la situaci on de con icto municipal, para mostrar si el efecto espacial de cambios demogr a cos incide en la variaci on de la tasa de homicidios. Los resultados sugieren que los homicidios no siempre se relacionan con las condiciones de con icto sino que tienden a acumularse en ciertas regiones del pa s, lo cual sirve para comparar efectos de propagaci on entre zonas cercanas seg un las condiciones de la poblaci on, la educaci on y el con icto. Este documento pretende responder si: >los cambios demogr a cos en la poblaci on desplazada por con icto armado y las variaciones de la poblaci on local de 15-29 a~nos, junto a las condiciones econ omicas municipales, explican la persistencia y la difusi on espacial de los homicidios?. Este punto es relevante por la din amica de la poblaci on residente y desplazada que se afecta por el entorno local y vecino, en especial cuando la tasa de homicidios de la ultima d ecada ha presentado signi cativas disminuciones en comparaci on con las d ecadas de los 80's y 90's. Finalmente, las conclusiones del trabajo se presentan al nal de cada cap tulo y permitir an explicar las preguntas realizadas al comienzo de cada secci on. As mismo, y refuerzan los resultados encontrados en la literatura estudiada, con lo cual conjuntamente se se~nala que las variaciones en los niveles de delincuencia en Colombia obedecen a cambios poblacionales y shocks por desplazamiento forzado.

Thesis. 1976. M.ArchAS--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Architecture. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Rotch. / Bibliography: p. 50. / M.ArchAS

Les conflits juridiques autour du multiculturalisme et de la justice ethnique sont aujourd’hui au centre des débats juridiques et philosophiques Dans ce contexte la Colombie et ses conflits ethniques sont particulièrement représentatifs de ces débats. Ce pays est défini par la Constitution de 1991 comme un État multiethnique et pluriculturel. Les peuples autochtones ont été également reconnus et des droits au regard de leur différence culturelle ont été inscrits dans ce texte normatif. Dans ce cadre politique et juridique, la Cour Constitutionnelle du pays a joué un rôle fondamental dans l’interprétation et la définition de ces nouveaux droits. Pour l’analyse de la jurisprudence et de ce que nous appelons ici le paradigme de la justice interculturelle, nous nous appuierons sur la distinction faite par la philosophe Nancy Fraser à propos de la justice sociale en tant que reconnaissance et redistribution. Cette distinction marquera donc l’analyse que nous portons sur la question, et nous aidera en même temps à essayer de combler un vide dans les études concernant cette population. Cette grille de lecture de la question autochtone nous autorisera à mettre en évidence les limites de la reconnaissance de la diversité culturelle quand il s’agit de la question économique, de l’intérêt général ou de la raison étatique. Cela nous permettra aussi d’évaluer la cohérence du paradigme de la justice interculturelle et de sa philosophie implicite. Cette approche de la décision du juge implique que l’on considère que la jurisprudence peut comporter un fort composant de philosophie politique, ou en d’autres termes, que la jurisprudence contient une ou plusieurs philosophies implicites. C’est donc cette philosophie implicite qui nous intéresse ici tout particulièrement de mettre en évidence. / The legal disputes around the multiculturalism and around the ethnic justice are at the heartof the legal and philosophic debates. In this matter Colombia today and its current ethnicconflicts are particularly significant of these debates. This country is ruled through the 1991Constitution as a multiethnic and multicultural State. Indigenous peoples have been alsorecognized as well and the rights tied to their cultural difference have been registered in thisnormative text. In this political and legal context, the Constitutional court of the countryplayed a fundamental role in the interpretation and the definition of these new rights. As faras the analysis of the jurisprudence and what we call here paradigm of the interculturaljustice are concerned, we shall rely on the distinction made by the philosopher Nancy Fraserabout the social justice as a redistribution and a recognition. This distinction will thus lead theanalysis which we develop about that subject, and will at the same time help us tryto complement in the studies concerning this population. This framework of interpretationof the autochthonous question will authorize us to highlight the limits of the recognition of thecultural diversity when it comes to the economic question, the general interest or the statereason. It will also allow us to estimate the consistency of the paradigm of the interculturaljustice and its implicit philosophy. This approach of the judge’s decision involves that weconsider that the jurisprudence can contain a strong bitof political philosophy, or in otherwords, that the jurisprudence contains one or several implicit philosophies. We are thusparticularly interested here in highlighting this implicit philosophy.

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“On Globalization and Civil Society: Mediating Spatial Practice in Twenty-first-century Latin America” explores the tensions between globalization and civil society from a multi-geographical and multidisciplinary angle. The dissertation is informed by theories of space, power, identity, citizenship, and postmodernity, as well as mediatic and socio-political analyses of conditions that have consistently challenged democracy and the formation of a just civil society specifically in the Colombian and Mexican contexts but throughout Latin America as well. I argue that national institutions fundamental to the formation of knowledge and the construction of identity--namely national citizenship, geopolitical and symbolic borders, and the national media--impose undue limits and power on globally affected individuals. After acknowledging and analyzing the dehumanizing way in which these national institutions limit individual freedoms and participation within local and global public spheres, I take a more hopeful stance as I explore humanizing instances that transcend victimization through the imagination and creation of alternative social orders that destabilize traditional apparatuses of authority through agency-enhancing initiatives. Through close readings of contemporary Colombian and Mexican narrative by Héctor Abad Faciolince, Jorge Franco, Heriberto Yépez, and Luis Humberto Crosthwaite, and a case study of Un Pasquín, Vladimir Flórez’s independent alternative Bogotá media project, I call for a new understanding of the possibilities of the twenty-first-century public sphere in Latin America. I contend that by subverting dominant paradigms of power, these alternative spheres provide a new model from which to think and advance a just global order. In short, I argue that, despite globalization’s mostly deleterious consequences for the world’s most at risk local populations, the formation of a more humanizing spatial and mediatic practice that fosters alternative public spheres responsive to the human need for individual agency and subjectivity, though seemingly unattainable, is in fact possible.

“On Globalization and Civil Society: Mediating Spatial Practice in Twenty-first-century Latin America” explores the tensions between globalization and civil society from a multi-geographical and multidisciplinary angle. The dissertation is informed by theories of space, power, identity, citizenship, and postmodernity, as well as mediatic and socio-political analyses of conditions that have consistently challenged democracy and the formation of a just civil society specifically in the Colombian and Mexican contexts but throughout Latin America as well. I argue that national institutions fundamental to the formation of knowledge and the construction of identity--namely national citizenship, geopolitical and symbolic borders, and the national media--impose undue limits and power on globally affected individuals. After acknowledging and analyzing the dehumanizing way in which these national institutions limit individual freedoms and participation within local and global public spheres, I take a more hopeful stance as I explore humanizing instances that transcend victimization through the imagination and creation of alternative social orders that destabilize traditional apparatuses of authority through agency-enhancing initiatives. Through close readings of contemporary Colombian and Mexican narrative by Héctor Abad Faciolince, Jorge Franco, Heriberto Yépez, and Luis Humberto Crosthwaite, and a case study of Un Pasquín, Vladimir Flórez’s independent alternative Bogotá media project, I call for a new understanding of the possibilities of the twenty-first-century public sphere in Latin America. I contend that by subverting dominant paradigms of power, these alternative spheres provide a new model from which to think and advance a just global order. In short, I argue that, despite globalization’s mostly deleterious consequences for the world’s most at risk local populations, the formation of a more humanizing spatial and mediatic practice that fosters alternative public spheres responsive to the human need for individual agency and subjectivity, though seemingly unattainable, is in fact possible.

Habitat loss and fragmentation are the main drivers of biodiversity loss, especially in the tropics, where the transformation of forested areas into agriculture is predicted to increase dramatically in the next five decades. Although several studies have elucidated the negative impacts of agriculture on biodiversity, recent work suggests that some agro-ecosystems, such as coffee plantations, are potential key environments for maintaining biodiversity and ecosystem services. This study evaluated the role of different coffee production types (sun-exposed, semi-shade and shade in polycultures or monocultures) on the bird communities associated with these agro-ecosystems in the tropical Andes of Colombia. It used a guild-specific approach and nonparametric statistical methods to identify the influence of particular environmental, ecological and landscape variables on the bird community assemblage and to assess potential changes in the species composition among management type. The potential responses of avifauna to fragmentation were studied from three different perspectives: i) from a patch-level point of view, evaluating the effect of local habitat factors (e.g. canopy cover, type of crop and crop management type); ii) from a species point of view, evaluating the role of species ecological traits (e.g. feeding habitat); and iii) from a landscape point of view, evaluating the effect of landscape configuration variables (e.g. patch area and perimeter length). The results indicated that polyculture and shade coffee crops host the most diverse avian communities and that guild representativeness varied among different coffee crop types. The type of coffee production type and the habitat characteristics associated with them seemed to have the greatest influences on families such as flycatchers, hummingbirds and wrens. Finally, coffee plantations can potentially contribute to the maintenance of bird diversity in anthropogenic landscapes; however these benefits are strongly influenced by the type of crop management. The maintenance of traditional coffee production (shade polyculture coffee) is recommended, and should be economically and socially encouraged. / text

Colombian state and non-state actors are engaging in an important conceptual debate concerning the nature of a "new" type of armed group in the country. The state labels these groups "BACRIM" (criminal gangs), arguing that they are actors of organized crime. Members of civil society reject the state's conceptualization, arguing that these groups are paramilitaries operating in the context of the armed conflict. These organizations explain that "new" groups commit the same systematic human rights violations and adhere to the same modus operandi as the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, an umbrella organization of over 30,000 paramilitaries that the government supposedly demobilized in a 2005 negotiation. The state, in turn, argues that paramilitarism no longer exists in Colombia and that these "new" groups do not adhere to the counterinsurgent political ideology that was characteristic of paramilitarism. My research project is a nuanced analysis of the Colombian state and non-state debate concerning these "new" armed groups. I combine interviews with state and civil society representatives with historical contextualization in order to understand what is at stake in the positions that both sides are aggressively fostering in the debate. In conceptualizing these "new" groups, many key informants engaged in a renegotiation of the state-formed historical memory concerning paramilitarism. An analysis of the trajectory of paramilitary activity reveals the protection of important elite economic and political interests as the driving force of paramilitarism; this paramilitary project fits within the goals of a state-sponsored economic process of capital accumulation. In utilizing the paramilitary label, civil society highlights these as the structural causes of paramilitarism. The state, in turn, attempts to cement its simplified definition of paramilitarism as a counterinsurgency project in removing the term 'paramilitary' from the official discourse. Furthermore, in erasing paramilitarism from the discourse, the state attempts to disassociate itself with a dark history of human rights violations against civilians. To fully understand the debate in Colombia is to understand more generally the power and weight of words in denouncing or, conversely, in silencing important issues of human rights and, ultimately, in accurately or inaccurately constructing historical memory of armed conflict. / text