[Typewritten] Includes bibliography. 1. The British West Indian colonies -- 2. The British African colonies -- 3. The British colonies in the Mediterranean, Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden -- 4. The British colonies in the East -- 5. India -- 6. The island dependencies -- 7. Conclusion.

This study of resistance in the Pacific Islands is an attempt to achieve both a wider and deeper understanding of colonization as it impinged on the Pacific peoples and as it was perceived by their German rulers. The thesis is by no means another imperial history. The major focus is on the Pacific Islander himself, the processes of change in local socirty under the impact of European expansion and a western cash economy, and on the way the colonial relationship functioned at the level of the individual island administration. It emphasizes the power and ability of the Pacific Islanders to make their own adjustments - of interest and ideology - to the new culture and its demands and does so through the comparison of three cultural regions within the one historical dimension, a method which Pacific historians have barely exploited at all. It represents the first intensive history of German Ponape in particular, using original documentation, while it opens up totally unexplored areas of that 'forgotten imperialism' which was such a critical phase in the modern histories of the new states of Samoa and New Guinea. The thesis is divided into two parts. Part One consists of three 'case studies' of colonial contact and interaction. In each case the pre-German period has been examined for a broader historical background. The modes of adaptation achieved in this earlier period largely determined the pattern of Pacific Island response under German rule. For more than two decades before 1900, Europeans and Samoans had been engaged in a constantly fluctuating struggle for the right to control the group's economic and political destiny. The Samoan district factions often encouraged this conflict in an effort to have their various candidates recognized as the paramount chief of the Samoan Islands, but they were also capable of offering solid opposition when Europeans interfered in their political affairs above certain limits. The history of Samoan response to German rule after 1899 details the struggle between the older chiefly elites and the Governor, tfilhelm Solf. The chiefs, under the orator Lauaki, campaigned shrewdly to have their traditional political authority and prerogatives institutionalized as part of the German system of colonial rule. Though Golf, whose objectives were diametrically opposed to the traditional political dynamics of the group, was at first forced to compromise with the chiefs, he thwarted their campaign in the end by exploiting inherent weaknesses in the political structure and relying on his growing paternal authority with the mass of the people.

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This study attempts to revive T.J. Dunbabin's multi-dimensional approach to the history of Early Iron Age Sicily in The Western Greeks (Oxford 1948). Dunbabin recognised that archaic Sicily had no real history, and that any historical account involved combining the very scant documentary record with the fuller and ever-growing body of archaeological evidence to produce a framework for writing social and economic history. These innovative methods ended with Dunbabin, however: today the field is dominated by scholars impeded artificially by disciplinary boundaries, which discourage the productive combination of historical and archaeological sources, leaving a number of important questions in a sort of academic no man's land. In the introduction an overview of the study of Sicily since Dunbabin is given, and Dunbabin's own weaknesses are explored: Dunbabin modelled Greek colonisation in Sicily on modern British colonisation; such a decision strait-jacketed his image of the past, causing him to draw conclusions unacceptable today. The increase in the quantity of archaeological evidence since Dunbabin means that it is no longer possible to make an in-depth study of the whole of Sicily in a single volume. Consequently, the focus has to be considerably more restricted than Dunbabin's; specific questions need to be selected. Megara Hyblaia and Selinous offer two particular advantages for studying the evolution of Greek settlement in Sicily: besides being Megarian, both are sufficiently well explored archaeologically to make historical investigation profitable, but they were founded a century apart on different sides of the island, in different environmental and socio-political contexts. The study itself is divided into two main parts, the first focusing on Megara Hyblaia and the second on Selinous; each of these two parts consists of five chapters, in which the same questions are asked of the evidence from the two sites, for comparative purposes. Chapters I and VI explore the background to settlement, with such subjects as the native world encountered by the settlers at the time of colonisation, pre- and proto-colonial activity, and the respective foundations of the colonies examined. Settlement development is the subject of chapters II and VII; the emphasis here is to monitor the successive stages of the physical growth of the colonies, and also to study the size and nature of the settlement itself. Chapters III and VIII deal with demography (particularly population size). The following chapters (IV and IX) use archaeological and written evidence to reconstruct socio-political history. Chapters V and X investigate environment and economy. In the closing chapter, after a review of the conclusions reached, the question of why Selinous evolved so differently from it mother-city is addressed. The thesis ends with brief consideration of the (Megarian) Sicilian contribution to the study of the polis.

The attitudes toward the empire of a small group of Labour Party spokesmen are compared in this thesis. Considered collectively these attitudes suggest that the Labour Party had developed a distinctive form of imperialism which was derived from a reasoned evaluation of the needs and aspirations of the dependent peoples. The historiography of the Labour Party indicates some Labour interest in the peoples of the empire, but it has not, as yet, systematically examined the collective views of key Labour leaders. It would seem that historians have assumed generally that, except for the Fabian Society, the Labour Party was decidedly anti-imperialistic. Through an examination of the writings of the spokesmen, and by demonstrating to what extent their views were reflected in party policy, the present study attempts to establish that Labour had developed its own form of imperialism. After an analysis of historiography in the introduction, this thesis explains that Labour imperial attitudes originated in a stream of nineteenth century liberal radicalism rather than in any form of doctrinaire socialism. Chapter three introduces the spokesmen and demonstrates that they were imperialists in that they were willing to retain the empire until certain objectives were achieved. Underlying religious motivations are then discussed. These show a strong desire among Labour leaders to regard the empire as an opportunity to exercise a missionary zeal to elevate humanity intellectually and morally. Trusteeship notions, the heart of Labour imperialism, are then examined. Finally, before concluding, the Labour philosophy of trusteeship is related to the question of free trade. Labour imperialism was benevolent, seeking to realize the advantages of empire through a policy of trusteeship which was designed to prepare colonial peoples to engage in a willing partnership. It involved a selection of colonial service personnel, a promotion of race and culture blending, and a development of colonial material resources with minimal disturbance of native social institutions. It was also based on a belief in an extension of domestic social legislation to the colonies. This economically and socially developing empire was to serve as a temporary substitute, and to a large extent, as a model for an ideal world federation to be eventually achieved. This study shows that Labour leaders were not opposed to empire per se, but against certain contemporary imperial activities which they regarded as indicating the mismanagement of empire. They were paternalistic in their proposed form of dominance, but willing, far more than representatives of other parties, to prepare colonial peoples to develop their abilities to survive independently. In this sense they were democratic idealists. They regarded mutual trust as the only way through which the long-range advantages of empire might be preserved. This study substantiates that influential party leaders largely agreed upon an imperial philosophy that was consistent and continuous since 1900, the year in which the party began as the Labour Representative Committee. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand In fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy / The continuing role of South Africa’s past in the reconstruction of present-day identities is an area of study and investigation that crosses political, social, cultural and racial boundaries. It is also a field which, despite the post-apartheid political period and South Africa’s change to a democratic dispensation, has not necessarily provided neat categories, instances or guidelines into which identity-formation can fit. As a result, studies abound which attempt to track, respond to, reflect on and reposition how this history of slavery, colonialism and apartheid may be viewed in relation to present-day society and socio-political circumstances. This dissertation considers how and why representations of slavery emerge in discussions of what constitutes a national discourse of race and reconciliation in postapartheid South Africa. I argue that these resurgences of interest in slavery are tied to the symbolic work that the multiple memories of slavery are able to do in the postapartheid period. The study is broadly situated in a globally emerging interest in historic formations of slavery packaged in popular culture, and the current increase in human rights politics dealing with re-emerging and new forms of slavery. As a result, this study adopts an interdisciplinary approach to both the content and methodological focus of how representations of slavery re-emerge in post-apartheid South Africa; providing a consideration of the phenomena of power in relation to discursive and cultural constructions of slavery, memory, identity and nation-building. Each of the areas considered (wine farms, museum and memorial practices and walking tours), suggest that the memory of slavery is able to function in relation to the immediate needs of those proposing and implementing the remembering and remembrance.

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