acase@tulane.edu / The arrival of World War II triggered significant disturbances in global trade, forcing U.S. importers and exporters to find alternative sources of business to make up for lost markets in Europe and Asia. This study traces the efforts of business and civic leaders in Houston, New Orleans, and Miami to increase trade, transportation, and tourism income from Latin America and the Caribbean by adopting Pan Americanism as a business strategy. Businessmen and local civic officials believed they could combine new trade promotion institutions with a carefully cultivated Pan American civic identity to establish their cities as “gateways” to the Americas. This framework became a key component of the regional competition between Houston, New Orleans, and Miami in the late 1940s and 1950s. The implications for these Pan American business strategies stretched far beyond the Gulf South, however. Business and civic leaders often described their activities within the context of U.S.-Latin American diplomacy, connecting trade promotion and international relationship-building with broader national objectives of hemispheric cooperation and anticommunism. This connection attracted the interest of the Truman and Eisenhower administrations, whose officials hoped to leverage the influence of private enterprise to achieve Latin American economic development and discourage anti-foreign investment policies without significant government funding. Both local business communities and federal agencies used this harmony of vision to their advantage. Washington found ways to co-opt the Pan American business strategies of the Gulf South while local civic and business leaders drew legitimacy and sometimes even financial support for their programs from the federal government. Ultimately, for a variety of reasons, Pan Americanism eventually became unprofitable as a business strategy, and most of the institutions Houston, New Orleans, and Miami had established either failed or changed considerably by the 1970s. The lasting legacy of this phenomenon, however, lies in the frameworks these cities helped establish for reimagining the port city as a diplomatic space and business communities as diplomatic agents. / 1 / Joshua Goodman

In recent decades international economic disputes have become ever more legalized, which in principle allows states to compartmentalize individual disputes from broader diplomatic relations. Nowhere is this more true than in the international investment regime, where private investors have been empowered to directly sue host states in international arbitration, rather than relying on their home states for diplomatic support. I challenge the standard narrative that investment protection has become "depoliticized", and reveal the persistent importance of informal commercial diplomacy in the settlement of investment disputes. I show that the US government continues to intervene diplomatically in disputes between American investors and developing country governments, despite the availability of institutional alternatives. Moreover, I argue such interventions are not primarily driven by pressure from private companies, but by government bureaucracies strategically pursuing their own interests, including advocating for investment climate reforms and demonstrating the value of commercial diplomacy to domestic constituencies. The empirical support for these claims proceeds in three stages. First, I use zero-inflated negative binomial regressions to demonstrate that American investors are more likely to file formal arbitration claims when they are less able to rely on diplomatic support, namely when the position of ambassador to the host state is temporarily vacant. Second, I provide a behind-the-scenes look at American investment protection policy using an original dataset of US diplomatic interventions in 256 investment disputes discussed in internal State Department cables released via WikiLeaks. Third, I use structured, focused comparisons in seven case studies of investment disputes to probe the particular drivers of US intervention, and show that diplomatic engagement is most likely in cases where the state itself has strong interests in intervening, rather than when private pressure compels it to do so. This thesis makes important and original contributions both to the literature on the international investment regime - which to date has broadly ignored the role of commercial diplomacy in contemporary dispute settlement - and to broader debates on the legalization of international economic disputes and the strategies firms use to shield themselves from political risks.

International business has always been intimately linked to the politics of the global economy. Expansion and investment strategies of business play a key role in defining the architecture of the global economy. The shifting dynamic of the global economy such as the emergence of fast growing economies in, for example, India, China, South Africa and Brazil can be partly explained by the emergence of new market players such as the India transnational car manufacturer Tata, as well as the adaptation of established international businesses in the West to the new market opportunities in the South and the East. Equally, the recent (and in places ongoing) economic crises of the West owes as much to the failures of international business — notably the banking and investment industry — as it does to the failures of government policy.

The thesis is focusing on commercial diplomacy in the United Kingdom of Great Britain during the coalition government of David Cameron between 2010 - 2015. In globalized world, where the commercial diplomacy is done by not only state actors but also private ones, management of commercial diplomacy as well as priorities and strategies play crucial role. The Thesis analyses structure of the system and includes case study of British commercial diplomacy in the Czech Republic. Based on theoretical acknowledgments we can evaluate the of British Commercial Diplomacy in the reporting period which was affected by economic crisis.

The area of economic cooperation represents one of the most important components of the country's foreign policy due to its special international status. The diploma thesis is divided into four parts. The first chapter deals with the theoretical definition of economic diplomacy. The basic characteristics of the land are mentioned in the second chapter, the third part deals with the structure of commercial diplomacy in Taiwan and the last section compares bilateral relations with Taiwan's diplomatic ally and the country without official diplomatic relations.

La Turquie, comme de nombreux pays, a pris conscience de l'importance de mettre en œuvre une diplomatie commerciale active. Cette thèse se donne pour objectif d'analyser les aspects juridiques de la diplomatie commerciale turque. Une réflexion est menée sur le concept même de la diplomatie commerciale dont il n'existe pas de définition faisant l'unanimité. Dans le cadre de l'étude des fondements de la diplomatie commerciale de la Turquie, l'histoire de cette diplomatie est analysée dans un premier temps, suivie de l'étude de sa législation, sans délaisser l'analyse des institutions et des acteurs turcs qui interviennent dans son élaboration. La thèse comporte également une réflexion sur l'intégration de la Turquie dans l'économie mondiale. Cette réflexion s'articule essentiellement autour de l'étude des aspects multilatéraux et plurilatéraux, mais également régionaux et bilatéraux de la diplomatie commerciale turque. Les différents axes de la diplomatie commerciale de la Turquie ont été sensiblement renforcés depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir du gouvernement AKP en 2002, grâce notamment à la politique étrangère active mise en œuvre sous l'impulsion du stratège de la diplomatie, l'ancien Ministre des Affaires Étrangères et l'actuel Premier Ministre, Ahmet Davutoglu. Ces évolutions ont permis à la Turquie de gagner en visibilité sur la scène internationale aussi bien sur le plan politique que commerciale. En effet, ce grand pays de 77 millions d'habitants, situé à la périphérie du continent européen, qui s'est fait discret durant une longue période, a commencé, et ce depuis plus d'une décennie, à faire parler d'elle. Les résultats économiques que la Turquie a obtenus en 2007 et 2008 ont été qualifiés de «miracle», notamment en comparaison avec la majorité des pays européens ayant été frappés par le ralentissement consécutif à la crise mondiale. Les années qui ont suivi ont cependant montré que cet élan a tendance à s'essouffler. / Turkey, like many countries, has recognized the importance of implementing an active commercial diplomacy. This thesis has the objective to analyze the legal aspects of the Turkish commercial diplomacy. A study is conducted on the very concept of commercial diplomacy which there is no definition-consensus. As part of the study of the fundamentals of commercial diplomacy of Turkey, the history of that diplomacy is analyzed at first, followed by the study of its legislation, without neglecting the analysis of institutions and Turkish actors involved in its development. This thesis also includes a reflection on the integration of Turkey into the global economy. This reflection is essentially based around the study of multilateral and plurilateral aspects but also regional and bilateral aspects of the Turkish commercial diplomacy. The various axes of Turkey's commercial diplomacy was significantly strengthened since the AKP government came to power in 2002, especially thanks to the active foreign policy implementation under the leadership of the strategist of diplomacy, Ahmet Davutoglu, who is the former Foreign Affairs Minister and the current Prime Minister. These developments have enabled Turkey to gain visibility on the international scene both politically and commercially. Indeed, this great country of 77 million inhabitants, situated on the outskirts of the European continent, which has been discreet for a long time, started, since for more than a decade, to be talked about. The economic results that Turkey has achieved in 2007 and 2008 have been described as "miracle", especially in comparison with the majority of European countries which were hit by the subsequent slowdown in the global crisis. The ensuing years have shown, however, that this momentum tends to falter.

La diplomatie commerciale de la Chine résulte d’un processus complexe. Étant donné que d’une part, elle est liée à son histoire, à sa culture et à sa géographie. D’une autre part, elle est vivement rattachée à son régime politique, à l’état de son économie et à son système juridique. Ce qui implique la mise en place d’importantes mesures d’encadrement juridiques et réglementaires émises par l’autorité législative de l’État. Cette thèse tente d’analyser la diplomatie commerciale de la Chine depuis 1978, à travers sa construction, ses règlements et ses pratiques, tout en privilégiant une approche juridique. L’enjeu principal de cette démarche est de mettre en œuvre une étude comparative entre le régime juridique commercial chinois et celui de l’OMC, afin de saisir le fondement juridique de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise. Ainsi, cette recherche se base principalement sur trois dimensions de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise : la dimension multilatérale (l’intégration dans l’OMC), la dimension régionale (la participation dans les organisations régionales comme l’ASEAN) et la dimension bilatérale (la conclusion des accords commerciaux bilatéraux). Enfin, une telle approche permet de mettre en exergue les avantages et les inconvénients de chacune de ces dimensions tout en tenant compte du contexte économique international difficile. / Commercial diplomacy of China is the result of a complex process. Given that on the one hand, it is linked to its history, culture and geography. On the other hand, it is strongly linked to its political system, the state of its economy and its legal system. Which implies the implementation of important measures of legal and regulatory framework emitted by the legislative authority of the state. This thesis tries to analyze the commercial diplomacy of China since 1978, through its construction, its regulations and practices, while favoring legal approach. The main issue of this approach is to implement a comparative study of Chinese commercial law regime and the WTO in order to take the legal basis for China's trade diplomacy. Thus, this research is based on three dimensions of Chinese commercial diplomacy: multilateral dimension (integration into the WTO), the regional dimension (participation in regional organizations such as ASEAN) and the bilateral dimension (the concluding bilateral trade agreements). Finally, such an approach allows to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of each of these dimensions while considering the difficult international economic environment.

The aim of this thesis is to examine and evaluate the approaches of China and India towards their commercial diplomacy. The performance of these countries is compared in 4 broad areas: their involvement in the World Trade Organization, their approach towards regional and bilateral trade agreements and the architecture of their export and investment promotion systems. The comparison takes into account also the institutional set up of their commercial diplomacy at the government level. In the concluding section, we determine, which system is more efficient and we try to provide explanation for the same.