Cette thèse vise à améliorer notre compréhension des mécanismes de la coopération bilatérale, par le biais d’une analyse de la mise en œuvre du Traité de Coopération en matière de défense et de sécurité franco-britannique, signé en 2010. La thèse examine trois cas de coopération bilatérale : l’intervention militaire en Libye en 2011, le développement de la force expéditionnaire conjointe interarmées (CJEF) et la coopération en matière d'armement dans le secteur des missiles. La thèse comble ainsi une lacune empirique sur les relations de défense franco-britanniques contemporaines, un sujet d’importance majeure sur les plans académique et politique et sur lequel il n’existe aucune monographie récente. L’étude des interactions entre les différents acteurs collectifs impliqués offre un récit détaillé du fonctionnement et des processus de cette coopération récemment institutionnalisée, dans tous les secteurs de la défense conventionnelle. En l’absence d’une théorie existante satisfaisante, les mécanismes spécifiques à la coopération bilatérale sont étudiés par le biais d’un modèle original. Celui-ci est construit autour de quatre concepts qui représentent les défis de la coopération bilatérale : l’incohérence (incompatibilité des intérêts), l’astructuration (manque de structure, formelle et informelle), le symétrisme (quête de similitude et d’égalité) et l’enchevêtrement (entrelacement avec d'autres relations bilatérales, multilatérales et transnationales). Par une analyse détaillée des études de cas, la thèse montre que ces défis sont en fait inhérents au processus de coopération bilatérale et explique comment ils façonnent l’issue de chaque initiative bilatérale. La thèse montre également que chaque expérience de coopération initie des dynamiques transformatrices par lesquelles la conduite de la coopération dans chaque secteur et plus largement la relation bilatérale de défense sont progressivement modifiées. Ces dynamiques transformatrices sont ambivalentes, en cela que les pratiques coopératives comme compétitives deviennent des éléments constitutifs de la coopération de défense franco-britannique. / This thesis seeks to improve our understanding of the mechanisms of bilateral cooperation, with an analysis of the implementation of the Franco-British Treaty of cooperation in defence and security, signed in 2010. The thesis studies three cases of bilateral cooperation: the military intervention in Libya in 2011, the development of the Combined Joint Expeditionary Force and cooperation on armaments in the missile sector. The thesis fills an empirical gap on contemporary Franco-British defence relations, a topic of critical academic and political importance on which no recent monograph exists. Examining interactions among the variety of collective actors involved, it offers a fine-grained account of the workings and processes of this newly institutionalised cooperation, across sectors of conventional defence. In the absence of a satisfactory existing theory, the mechanisms specific to bilateral cooperation are analysed using an original model. The model is centred on four concepts that represent the challenges of bilateral cooperation: incongruity (incompatibility of interests), astructuration (lack of structure, formal and informal), symmetrism (search for similarity and equality) and entanglement (intertwining with other bilateral, multilateral and transnational relations). Through a detailed analysis of the case studies, the thesis demonstrates that these challenges are in fact inherent to the process of bilateral cooperation and it explains how they shape the outcome of the bilateral enterprises. The thesis also shows that each experience of cooperation initiates transformative dynamics, which progressively alter the conduct of cooperation in each specific sector and the bilateral defence relationship more broadly. These transformative dynamics are ambivalent, as both cooperative and competitive practices become constituents of Franco-British defence cooperation.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo identificar as diferenças e semelhanças do intercâmbio comercial de produtos e serviços entre Peru e Brasil a través da evolução das relações bilaterais entre os dois países a partir do ano 2000. Com este estudo se procura evidenciar que uma convivência harmoniosa e uma trajetória de crescimento econômico dinâmico para o Brasil, dependerá da adoção de estratégias bilaterais de comércio, para assim melhor liderar os países integrantes do Mercosul. Houve necessidade, então, de dividir a pesquisa em três frentes: Primeiro, o levantamento de diferentes conceitos teóricos para melhor entendimento do significado de Complementaridade Econômica/Integração Econômica. Segundo, os Perfis Econômicos de Peru e Brasil a partir do ano 2000. Terceiro, As Relações Bilaterais Comerciais entre Peru e Brasil a partir do ano 2000. Assim, constatamos que falta eliminar divergências nas estatísticas de comércio bilateral de ambos países e que ainda não há harmonização na qualificação dos produtos. A pesquisa compreendeu o levantamento bibliográfico e bibliográfico-digital referente a cada um dos capítulos projetados. / This research has as objective identify the differences between e common points of the commercial exchange of goods and services between Peru an d Brazil take into account the evolution of the bilateral relations since 2000. This research aims underline that a harmonic relation and an background of dynamic economic growth, as for Brazil, will depend of developing bilateral strategies of trade. That strategy will allow improve the Brazilian leadership in relation to the MERCOSULs countries. There were necessity of organizing the research in three parts: first, discussion of the basic theoretical concepts to improve the understanding of economic complementation and regional integration. Second, the economic profile from Peru and Brazil since 2000. Third, the commercial and bilateral relations between Peru and Brazil since 2000. Thus, the research conclude that there are divergences in statistics of both of countries , and that there is not still harmony in the qualification of trade products. This research embraces a bibliographical framework and bibliographical-digital framework.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo identificar as diferenças e semelhanças do intercâmbio comercial de produtos e serviços entre Peru e Brasil a través da evolução das relações bilaterais entre os dois países a partir do ano 2000. Com este estudo se procura evidenciar que uma convivência harmoniosa e uma trajetória de crescimento econômico dinâmico para o Brasil, dependerá da adoção de estratégias bilaterais de comércio, para assim melhor liderar os países integrantes do Mercosul. Houve necessidade, então, de dividir a pesquisa em três frentes: Primeiro, o levantamento de diferentes conceitos teóricos para melhor entendimento do significado de Complementaridade Econômica/Integração Econômica. Segundo, os Perfis Econômicos de Peru e Brasil a partir do ano 2000. Terceiro, As Relações Bilaterais Comerciais entre Peru e Brasil a partir do ano 2000. Assim, constatamos que falta eliminar divergências nas estatísticas de comércio bilateral de ambos países e que ainda não há harmonização na qualificação dos produtos. A pesquisa compreendeu o levantamento bibliográfico e bibliográfico-digital referente a cada um dos capítulos projetados. / This research has as objective identify the differences between e common points of the commercial exchange of goods and services between Peru an d Brazil take into account the evolution of the bilateral relations since 2000. This research aims underline that a harmonic relation and an background of dynamic economic growth, as for Brazil, will depend of developing bilateral strategies of trade. That strategy will allow improve the Brazilian leadership in relation to the MERCOSULs countries. There were necessity of organizing the research in three parts: first, discussion of the basic theoretical concepts to improve the understanding of economic complementation and regional integration. Second, the economic profile from Peru and Brazil since 2000. Third, the commercial and bilateral relations between Peru and Brazil since 2000. Thus, the research conclude that there are divergences in statistics of both of countries , and that there is not still harmony in the qualification of trade products. This research embraces a bibliographical framework and bibliographical-digital framework.

As the world’s largest emitters and economies, the United States and China play a critical role in global climate mitigation. Using Putnam’s two-level game showcases how the domestic political context of each country impacts their international policies. However, Putnam’s framework does not differentiate between bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The clarity and concentration of perceived costs and benefits for the United States and China from climate policies lead to differing outcomes on the multilateral and bilateral stage. Fear of the free-rider effect makes players assume payoffs that resemble the Prisoner’s Dilemma during multilateral climate negotiations, whereas bilateral negotiations usually result in more cooperative outcomes. These contrasting policy outcomes reflect the hot and cold relationship between the United States and China. The additional expediency and effectiveness of bilateral agreements suggest that substantial climate action will likely originate from strong bilateral agreements. In an optimal scenario, increased U.S.-China climate collaboration translates into a stronger relationship between the two global superpowers and provides other nations with the confidence and certainty to invest in abatement in a renewed global climate regime.

So-called obligations erga omnes, owed to the international community as a whole, including all States, now form part of positive international law. These obligations protect some of the most basic values of present-day international relations. Examples include the obligations not to commit genocide or torture, to uphold the most basic human rights, to respect the self-determination of peoples, and so on. However, there is little agreement as to what these obligations imply, how they have come about, and how to identify them. In the literature, at least, there is widespread agreement that obligations erga omnes are different in essence and in nature from obligations owed by one State to another State, so-called obligations inter partes. In turn, this —alleged— radical conceptual break severs obligations erga omnes from a wealth of norms that exist in present-day, general international law, but whose origins lie farther back in time. This thesis attempts to reconcile obligations erga omnes with obligations arising in classic, general international law. It explores what it means to be owed an obligation and how it came to pass that most obligations were owed inter partes. The particular way in which sovereignty came to be conceived and the furtherance of sovereignty, at the expense of other values, forms the pattern that gave rise to obligations inter partes. But even at that time, exceptions to this pattern existed which brought about obligations analogous to those owed erga omnes today. Relevant state practice will be analysed. If obligations erga omnes could have been created in classic international law, it is unjustified to maintain that obligations erga omnes represent so radical a break with the past. Obligations erga omnes are aggregates of bilateral, primary obligations. From this perspective, it is possible to identify these obligations, their consequences, and to discern their origins.

La logique du nouveau système économique international s'appuie sur l'idée que le brevet est un mécanisme juridique d'incitation à la recherche et au développement. L'objet de notre étude est de savoir si les écarts de niveau de développement entre les pays pouvaient avoir des effets sur la fonction du brevet dans les pays en voie de développement. Dans cette perspective, nous avons consacré la première partie de notre recherche à l'étude du droit des brevets sur le plan international. Cette analyse est indispensable pour une meilleure compréhension des choix opérés par un pays en développement comme l'Algérie dans l'évolution de son propre système de protection des inventions. Ensuite, nous avons analysé le régime algérien des brevets et les changements qu'il a subi en vue de s'adapter au haut niveau de protection exigé par le système international, afin d'examiner les effets de telles exigences sur le développement. Il ressort de nos analyses, que pour remplir sa fonction universelle comme instrument d'incitation à l'innovation technologique et au développement, le système de brevet algérien doit connaitre plusieurs modifications sur le plan juridique, économique et institutionnel. / The logic of the new international economic system is based on the idea that the patent is a legal mechanism to incentive research and development. The subject of our study is to know if the variations of the levels of development among between different countries could affect the function of the patent in the third world. In this perspective, we have to analyze the Algerian patent law and the changes they have undergone in order to adapt to the high level of protection required by the international system in order to examine the effects of the requirement of these conditions on reveal developments. Then we analyzed the Algerian regime of patents and the changes it has undergone in order to adapt to the level of protection required by the international system, to examine the effects of these requirements on you development. That the patent system in Algeria fulfills its universal function as an instrument for incentive technological innovation and development, several changes in the legal, institutional and economic should be performed.

Le présent travail vise, par une documentation renouvelée, à comprendre la relation entre une puissance moyenne mondiale, puissance agissante au Moyen-Orient, et une puissance moyenne arabe. L’arrivée au pouvoir de Jacques Chirac en 1995 correspond à la mise en oeuvre d’une nouvelle politique envers Damas. Hafez Al-Assad perçoit l’opportunité de cette ouverture. Les rapports entre les deux pays permettent de nombreuses réalisations : imposition d’une vision commune sur la scène régionale face à la volonté américaine, modération de la politique de nuisance syrienne, ou encore mise en place d’une coopération pour une réforme administrative en Syrie. Mais ils sont également confrontés à plusieurs défis : le changement de président en Syrie, les tensions libanaises ou encore la guerre en Irak. Ainsi, à partir de la fin de l’année 2003, les relations franco-syriennes glissent sur un terrain nouveau. Faisant le constat de résultats insuffisants, notamment sur le terrain libanais, et de l’incapacité syrienne à prendre en compte la nouvelle configuration née de l’intervention américaine en Irak, la France utilise le cadre multilatéral onusien pour faire pression sur Damas. Un bilatéral minimal et conflictuel se cristallise alors autour de l’intérêt qu’ont les deux pays pour le Liban. Après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2015, ce bilatéral se judiciarise. Ces fluctuations des relations franco-syriennes nous ont conduits à réinterroger la notion de bilatéral. Nous avons proposé le concept de « bilatéralisme de levier » : il s’agit de l’instrumentalisation de la relation entre deux pays pour des objectifs indirects. En nourrissant des relations bilatérales et en mettant en place une habitude de traiter avec l’autre, la France et la Syrie cherchent en réalité à obtenir des gains et une position sur la scène régionale ou internationale. Ce détournement de la relation bilatérale explique qu’elle n’ait pas pu s’inscrire dans le temps long. / The objective of the present thesis is, through the use of renewed documentation, to understand the relationship between a medium-sized, global power, active in the Middle-East, and a medium-sized Arab power. The beginning of Jacques Chirac’s presidency in 1995 corresponded to the implementation of a new policy towards Damascus. Hafez Al-Asad understood the opportunity which this opening-up afforded. Relations between the two countries thus allowed for many realizations : the imposition of a common vision on the regional scene in the face of American will, a moderation of Syrian trouble-making policies, or the implementation of cooperation in the area of Syrian administrative reform. France and Syria were however also confronted with several challenges, such as the changing of presidents in Syria, Lebanese tensions or war in Iraq. As a result, by the end of 2003, Franco-Syrian relations entered a new phase. Taking stock of insufficient results, in particular concerning Lebanon as well as Syria’s incapacity to take into account the new configuration born out of American intervention in Iraq, France used the multilateral framework of the United Nations to put pressure on Damascus. A minimal and fraught bilateral relationship crystallized around the interest which both countries had in Lebanon. In the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri in 2015, this bilateral relationship acquired a judicial dimension. These fluctuations in Franco-Syrian relations have led me to reconsider the notion of bilateralism. I thus propose the concept of “leveraged bilateralism”, which refers to the using of the relationship between two countries for indirect objectives. By nourishing bilateral relations and by establishing a habit of interaction with one another, France and Syria sought in reality to obtain gains and a position on the regional or international scene. This hijacking of the bilateral relationship is the reason why the latter was not able to establish itself over the long run.

The purpose of this thesis has been to analyse the managing of risks, insecurities and transactions costs that deterred economic exchange during the 1930’s and the 1940’s, within the Swedish-German bilateral clearing system, from a Swedish contractual theoretical perspective. In this thesis it has been shown that the clearing agreement was put in practice in 1934, on initiative of Sweden. In the agreement financial issues associated with risks and insecurities were to be reduced by formalising rules for the economic exchange. The basic principle was that Germany regularly had a trade surplus in relation to Sweden. The surplus was used for re-building the Reichsbank’s monetary reserves, as well as payments on financial claims. The agreement was designed in an incomplete way, to be adjusted ad hoc in a trial and error process. As both parties had different interests, they had to make concessions in order to sustain the clearing system. This was also reflected in the design of the agreement, which evolved from an incomplete to a specific, detailed agreement, due to the increasing risks and insecurities that had to be dealt with. The clearing system was ideal for wartime conditions since it maintained trade flows. It also became a line of defence: specific agreements allowed the dominant Germany less scope to assert preferential rights of interpretation of the rules and regulations. When the war intensified it was difficult for Germany to carry out its commitments to Sweden, and the Swedish party found reasons to distrust the German economy, which was entering a recession. At the same time Allied forces strengthened their political influence, and the victors would become the leaders of the future international economy. Sweden made a gradual exit from the clearing system, delivering the agreed upon exports to Germany, while keeping the Allied negotiators informed of the process. The Swedish-German clearing system collapsed in spring 1945.

La Turquie, comme de nombreux pays, a pris conscience de l'importance de mettre en œuvre une diplomatie commerciale active. Cette thèse se donne pour objectif d'analyser les aspects juridiques de la diplomatie commerciale turque. Une réflexion est menée sur le concept même de la diplomatie commerciale dont il n'existe pas de définition faisant l'unanimité. Dans le cadre de l'étude des fondements de la diplomatie commerciale de la Turquie, l'histoire de cette diplomatie est analysée dans un premier temps, suivie de l'étude de sa législation, sans délaisser l'analyse des institutions et des acteurs turcs qui interviennent dans son élaboration. La thèse comporte également une réflexion sur l'intégration de la Turquie dans l'économie mondiale. Cette réflexion s'articule essentiellement autour de l'étude des aspects multilatéraux et plurilatéraux, mais également régionaux et bilatéraux de la diplomatie commerciale turque. Les différents axes de la diplomatie commerciale de la Turquie ont été sensiblement renforcés depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir du gouvernement AKP en 2002, grâce notamment à la politique étrangère active mise en œuvre sous l'impulsion du stratège de la diplomatie, l'ancien Ministre des Affaires Étrangères et l'actuel Premier Ministre, Ahmet Davutoglu. Ces évolutions ont permis à la Turquie de gagner en visibilité sur la scène internationale aussi bien sur le plan politique que commerciale. En effet, ce grand pays de 77 millions d'habitants, situé à la périphérie du continent européen, qui s'est fait discret durant une longue période, a commencé, et ce depuis plus d'une décennie, à faire parler d'elle. Les résultats économiques que la Turquie a obtenus en 2007 et 2008 ont été qualifiés de «miracle», notamment en comparaison avec la majorité des pays européens ayant été frappés par le ralentissement consécutif à la crise mondiale. Les années qui ont suivi ont cependant montré que cet élan a tendance à s'essouffler. / Turkey, like many countries, has recognized the importance of implementing an active commercial diplomacy. This thesis has the objective to analyze the legal aspects of the Turkish commercial diplomacy. A study is conducted on the very concept of commercial diplomacy which there is no definition-consensus. As part of the study of the fundamentals of commercial diplomacy of Turkey, the history of that diplomacy is analyzed at first, followed by the study of its legislation, without neglecting the analysis of institutions and Turkish actors involved in its development. This thesis also includes a reflection on the integration of Turkey into the global economy. This reflection is essentially based around the study of multilateral and plurilateral aspects but also regional and bilateral aspects of the Turkish commercial diplomacy. The various axes of Turkey's commercial diplomacy was significantly strengthened since the AKP government came to power in 2002, especially thanks to the active foreign policy implementation under the leadership of the strategist of diplomacy, Ahmet Davutoglu, who is the former Foreign Affairs Minister and the current Prime Minister. These developments have enabled Turkey to gain visibility on the international scene both politically and commercially. Indeed, this great country of 77 million inhabitants, situated on the outskirts of the European continent, which has been discreet for a long time, started, since for more than a decade, to be talked about. The economic results that Turkey has achieved in 2007 and 2008 have been described as "miracle", especially in comparison with the majority of European countries which were hit by the subsequent slowdown in the global crisis. The ensuing years have shown, however, that this momentum tends to falter.

La diplomatie commerciale de la Chine résulte d’un processus complexe. Étant donné que d’une part, elle est liée à son histoire, à sa culture et à sa géographie. D’une autre part, elle est vivement rattachée à son régime politique, à l’état de son économie et à son système juridique. Ce qui implique la mise en place d’importantes mesures d’encadrement juridiques et réglementaires émises par l’autorité législative de l’État. Cette thèse tente d’analyser la diplomatie commerciale de la Chine depuis 1978, à travers sa construction, ses règlements et ses pratiques, tout en privilégiant une approche juridique. L’enjeu principal de cette démarche est de mettre en œuvre une étude comparative entre le régime juridique commercial chinois et celui de l’OMC, afin de saisir le fondement juridique de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise. Ainsi, cette recherche se base principalement sur trois dimensions de la diplomatie commerciale chinoise : la dimension multilatérale (l’intégration dans l’OMC), la dimension régionale (la participation dans les organisations régionales comme l’ASEAN) et la dimension bilatérale (la conclusion des accords commerciaux bilatéraux). Enfin, une telle approche permet de mettre en exergue les avantages et les inconvénients de chacune de ces dimensions tout en tenant compte du contexte économique international difficile. / Commercial diplomacy of China is the result of a complex process. Given that on the one hand, it is linked to its history, culture and geography. On the other hand, it is strongly linked to its political system, the state of its economy and its legal system. Which implies the implementation of important measures of legal and regulatory framework emitted by the legislative authority of the state. This thesis tries to analyze the commercial diplomacy of China since 1978, through its construction, its regulations and practices, while favoring legal approach. The main issue of this approach is to implement a comparative study of Chinese commercial law regime and the WTO in order to take the legal basis for China's trade diplomacy. Thus, this research is based on three dimensions of Chinese commercial diplomacy: multilateral dimension (integration into the WTO), the regional dimension (participation in regional organizations such as ASEAN) and the bilateral dimension (the concluding bilateral trade agreements). Finally, such an approach allows to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of each of these dimensions while considering the difficult international economic environment.