Cette thèse vise à améliorer notre compréhension des mécanismes de la coopération bilatérale, par le biais d’une analyse de la mise en œuvre du Traité de Coopération en matière de défense et de sécurité franco-britannique, signé en 2010. La thèse examine trois cas de coopération bilatérale : l’intervention militaire en Libye en 2011, le développement de la force expéditionnaire conjointe interarmées (CJEF) et la coopération en matière d'armement dans le secteur des missiles. La thèse comble ainsi une lacune empirique sur les relations de défense franco-britanniques contemporaines, un sujet d’importance majeure sur les plans académique et politique et sur lequel il n’existe aucune monographie récente. L’étude des interactions entre les différents acteurs collectifs impliqués offre un récit détaillé du fonctionnement et des processus de cette coopération récemment institutionnalisée, dans tous les secteurs de la défense conventionnelle. En l’absence d’une théorie existante satisfaisante, les mécanismes spécifiques à la coopération bilatérale sont étudiés par le biais d’un modèle original. Celui-ci est construit autour de quatre concepts qui représentent les défis de la coopération bilatérale : l’incohérence (incompatibilité des intérêts), l’astructuration (manque de structure, formelle et informelle), le symétrisme (quête de similitude et d’égalité) et l’enchevêtrement (entrelacement avec d'autres relations bilatérales, multilatérales et transnationales). Par une analyse détaillée des études de cas, la thèse montre que ces défis sont en fait inhérents au processus de coopération bilatérale et explique comment ils façonnent l’issue de chaque initiative bilatérale. La thèse montre également que chaque expérience de coopération initie des dynamiques transformatrices par lesquelles la conduite de la coopération dans chaque secteur et plus largement la relation bilatérale de défense sont progressivement modifiées. Ces dynamiques transformatrices sont ambivalentes, en cela que les pratiques coopératives comme compétitives deviennent des éléments constitutifs de la coopération de défense franco-britannique. / This thesis seeks to improve our understanding of the mechanisms of bilateral cooperation, with an analysis of the implementation of the Franco-British Treaty of cooperation in defence and security, signed in 2010. The thesis studies three cases of bilateral cooperation: the military intervention in Libya in 2011, the development of the Combined Joint Expeditionary Force and cooperation on armaments in the missile sector. The thesis fills an empirical gap on contemporary Franco-British defence relations, a topic of critical academic and political importance on which no recent monograph exists. Examining interactions among the variety of collective actors involved, it offers a fine-grained account of the workings and processes of this newly institutionalised cooperation, across sectors of conventional defence. In the absence of a satisfactory existing theory, the mechanisms specific to bilateral cooperation are analysed using an original model. The model is centred on four concepts that represent the challenges of bilateral cooperation: incongruity (incompatibility of interests), astructuration (lack of structure, formal and informal), symmetrism (search for similarity and equality) and entanglement (intertwining with other bilateral, multilateral and transnational relations). Through a detailed analysis of the case studies, the thesis demonstrates that these challenges are in fact inherent to the process of bilateral cooperation and it explains how they shape the outcome of the bilateral enterprises. The thesis also shows that each experience of cooperation initiates transformative dynamics, which progressively alter the conduct of cooperation in each specific sector and the bilateral defence relationship more broadly. These transformative dynamics are ambivalent, as both cooperative and competitive practices become constituents of Franco-British defence cooperation.

Da posição de vanguarda intelectual orientalista se eximiram, em parte, aqueles intelectuais na modernidade ocidental que de fato ficaram profundamente envolvidos com a filosofia oriental (em especial, indiana), inegavelmente com maior ênfase entre os alemães. Tal olhar filosófico manteve-se quase que absolutamente à parte das justificativas exploratórias imperialistas, tão atraentes às mentes inglesas e francesas, os orientalistas de Said, e tão exploradas pelos ditames literários e orientalistas apresentados por ele. Assim sendo, confirmamos e discordamos ao mesmo tempo do autor de Orientalismo em um ponto fundamental: a Alemanha possui orientalismos opostos. Um, calcado especificamente nos vasos comunicantes de ingleses e franceses, que confirma a tese do Said; outro, sob o olhar particular de Nietzsche e Weber, dentre outros, contrapõe-se ao orientalismo imperialista. Diante desta premissa, tratamos do pioneirismo de nações movidas pela estratégia de conhecer para invadir ou decifrar para dominar, eis a Inglaterra e a França, e em seguida buscamos a ocorrência de um entendimento intelectual frutífero e amplo, no tocante ao contato ou transmissão de ideias ocorridas no século XIX e início do XX, entre os assim chamados Oriente indiano e o Ocidente alemão. / Those intellectuals who, in Western modernity, were able to escape from the Orientalist intellectual vanguard position are the ones that were actually profoundly involved with Eastern philosophy (specially the Indian one), and undoubtedly that was emphasized among the Germans. . This philosophical apprehension remained almost entirely apart from the exploratory imperialist justifications, so attractive to the English and French minds, to Saids orientalists, and so exploited by the literary and Orientalist determinations indicated by him. Therefore, we confirm and disagree simultaneously with the author of Orientalism when it comes to a fundamental point: Germany has contrasting Orientalisms one, rooted specifically on the communicating veins from the English and the French, which confirms Saids thesis; the other, under the gaze of Nietzsche and Weber, among others, opposes to the imperialist Orientalism. From this premise, we have treated the pioneerism of nations moved by the strategy to know in order to invade or codify to dominate: that is England and France. Then, we searched for the occurrence of a fruitful and broad intellectual understanding in terms of the contact and transmission of ideas that took place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, among the so-called Indian East and Western Germany.

Da posição de vanguarda intelectual orientalista se eximiram, em parte, aqueles intelectuais na modernidade ocidental que de fato ficaram profundamente envolvidos com a filosofia oriental (em especial, indiana), inegavelmente com maior ênfase entre os alemães. Tal olhar filosófico manteve-se quase que absolutamente à parte das justificativas exploratórias imperialistas, tão atraentes às mentes inglesas e francesas, os orientalistas de Said, e tão exploradas pelos ditames literários e orientalistas apresentados por ele. Assim sendo, confirmamos e discordamos ao mesmo tempo do autor de Orientalismo em um ponto fundamental: a Alemanha possui orientalismos opostos. Um, calcado especificamente nos vasos comunicantes de ingleses e franceses, que confirma a tese do Said; outro, sob o olhar particular de Nietzsche e Weber, dentre outros, contrapõe-se ao orientalismo imperialista. Diante desta premissa, tratamos do pioneirismo de nações movidas pela estratégia de conhecer para invadir ou decifrar para dominar, eis a Inglaterra e a França, e em seguida buscamos a ocorrência de um entendimento intelectual frutífero e amplo, no tocante ao contato ou transmissão de ideias ocorridas no século XIX e início do XX, entre os assim chamados Oriente indiano e o Ocidente alemão. / Those intellectuals who, in Western modernity, were able to escape from the Orientalist intellectual vanguard position are the ones that were actually profoundly involved with Eastern philosophy (specially the Indian one), and undoubtedly that was emphasized among the Germans. . This philosophical apprehension remained almost entirely apart from the exploratory imperialist justifications, so attractive to the English and French minds, to Saids orientalists, and so exploited by the literary and Orientalist determinations indicated by him. Therefore, we confirm and disagree simultaneously with the author of Orientalism when it comes to a fundamental point: Germany has contrasting Orientalisms one, rooted specifically on the communicating veins from the English and the French, which confirms Saids thesis; the other, under the gaze of Nietzsche and Weber, among others, opposes to the imperialist Orientalism. From this premise, we have treated the pioneerism of nations moved by the strategy to know in order to invade or codify to dominate: that is England and France. Then, we searched for the occurrence of a fruitful and broad intellectual understanding in terms of the contact and transmission of ideas that took place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, among the so-called Indian East and Western Germany.

The diploma thesis Fashoda Crisis as a Path to Franco-British Reconciliation? deals with the event of Fashoda crisis, the events that had preceded the conflict and the consequences on the Franco-British relations at the dawn of 19th century. The main objective of the thesis is to clarify the background, later development, and the outcome of the event. Throughout the thesis am focusing on the historical background with emphasis on the colonization of Egypt and its importance in the Franco-British relations. I am also putting the emphasis on clarifying the possible reasons that led to the Fashoda crisis as well as on introducing the main protagonists and their plans to take advantage of the crisis. The thesis than chronologically continues to evaluate the critical months at the end of 1898 and the beginning of 1899, which could be understood as the culmination point of the crisis. The thesis also tries to assess the mood and opinion of the public in both countries in the course of the crisis and even after signing the accords that put an end to this quarrel. At least I am trying to define and to evaluate the impact and influence of this specific event on the latter development of international relations between the two countries and also, I am trying to answer the question whether the Fashoda crisis...