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Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

by Gordon C.K. Cheung. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-265). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest dissertations and theses, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

The key underlying question of this dissertation is how individuals develop informed views about the open international economy and make informed decisions as consumers, workers and voters. Globalization has generated competing interest groups that are highly informed about its effects. Each of these groups can exploit its informational advantage and strategically provide information to less informed individuals in order to shape their policy preferences and economic and political behavior. Focusing on this informational discrepancy among domestic actors, this dissertation investigates the mechanisms and the effects of information dissemination from three different angles. The first chapter examines the role of product-related information provided by the news media, biased in favor of domestic firms, in shaping consumer behavior. In the second chapter, I examine the role of trade-related information provided by interest groups in altering the trade preferences of workers. In the third chapter, I examine the role of trade-related information provided by political elites in shaping their constituents' attitudes toward trade. These essays contribute to the extant international political economy literature by introducing an actor that has been largely neglected, illuminating new causal mechanisms with information at the center, and clarifying the causal effect of certain economic groups in trade policy preference formation.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2009. / "Graduate Program in Global Affairs." Includes bibliographical references (p. 240-258).

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The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights.

South Africa, in common with many other developing countries, embarked on an import substitution policy to promote development and industrialisation. Although initially successful, it was recognised in the late 1960s that the scope for further import substitution was limited and that alternative development strategies should be embarked upon. Unfortunately, the years of import substitution resulted in high levels of protection and consequently an anti-export bias. In 1972, under the leadership of Dr Reynders, a commission found that South Africa should embark upon a policy of export promotion. In 1980 a new form of export incentive was introduced, viz. Category A and B. Category A incentives were aimed at neutralising the effects of import substitution and compensated exporters fifty per cent of the duty payable on inputs, regardless of whether the inputs were imported or not. Category B incentives compensated exporters for the consequences of cost increasing on non-intermediate inputs because of the import substitution policy and was calculated on the value added. Exporters also enjoyed various grants and tax breaks to enable them to undertake export marketing. The schemes were unsuccessful and were replace by a General Export Incentive Scheme (GElS) in 1990. The main aim of the GElS was to encourage the export of manufactured products. With the means of an econometric model, the success of GElS is evaluated on a sectoral basis. GElS brought with it rent seeking, corruption, lobbying, and threats of countervailing duties. In addition to the enormous costs, exceeding R6 billion, there were other bureaucratic costs. In general, the GElS was not successful. The sectors that did benefit from receiving GElS benefits were the tobacco industry, footwear, furniture, metal products, and electrical machinery. In most cases, exporters would have exported with or without GElS. GElS was simply a windfall. Policy-makers failed to recognise the dynamics of exporting. GElS contributed neither to additional exports, export capacity nor to a sustained competitive advantage. import substitution policy to promote development and industrialisation. Although initially successful, it was recognised in the late 1960s that the scope for further import substitution was limited and that alternative development strategies should be embarked upon. Unfortunately, the years of import substitution resulted in high levels of protection and consequently an anti-export bias. In 1972, under the leadership of Dr Reynders, a commission found that South Africa should embark upon a policy of export promotion. In 1980 a new form of export incentive was introduced, viz. Category A and B. Category A incentives were aim.ed at neutralising the effects of import substitution and compensated exporters fifty per cent of the duty payable on inputs, regardless of whether the inputs were imported or not. Category B incentives compensated exporters for the consequences of cost increasing on non-intermediate inputs because of the import substitution policy and was calculated on the value added. Exporters also enjoyed various grants and tax breaks to enable them to undertake export marketing. The schemes were unsuccessful and were replace by a General Export Incentive Scheme (GElS) in 1990. The main aim of the GElS was to encourage the export of manufactured products. With the means of an econometric model, the success of GElS is evaluated on a sectoral basis. GElS brought with it rent seeking, corruption, lobbying, and threats of countervailing duties. In addition to the enormous costs, exceeding R6 billion, there were other bureaucratic costs. In general, the GElS was not successful. The sectors that did benefit from receiving GElS benefits were the tobacco industry, footwear, furniture, metal products, and electrical machinery. In most cases, exporters would have exported with or without GElS. GElS was simply a windfall. Policy-makers failed to recognise the dynamics of exporting. GElS contributed neither to additional exports, export capacity nor to a sustained competitive advantage. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, 1996.

This thesis has explored a number of concepts of Soviet business management, and trends of development from the theory of Marxism-Leninism to the practices of Stalin, Khrushchev and Kosygin.This thesis has examined numerous characteristics of Soviet business management in contrast to capitalistic business practices of the United States. In reference to the U.S.S.R., particular emphasis was given to reforms initiated after 1965.