Includes bibliography: p. 11-12.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania. / Published also without thesis note. Bibliography: p. 320-332.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2006. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 126 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-02-28Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:55:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 thomaz_lf_me_mar.pdf: 839496 bytes, checksum: f5b81c20753ed97a56693d21b5498cf0 (MD5) / A forma como os atores domésticos defendem seus interesses econômicos pode influenciar os rumos da política de comércio internacional. Sob tal perspectiva de análise, esta dissertação tem por objetivo demonstrar como os lobistas dos produtores de etanol influenciaram a definição da política agrícola e energética dos Estados Unidos na última década. Com base no modelo de dois níveis proposto por Robert Putnam, foram identificados os grupos ligados à cadeia produtiva do etanol, bem como mapeadas as estratégias adotadas por eles para fazer valer seus interesses tanto na arena eleitoral como nas arenas decisórias dos poderes Executivo e Legislativo. As evidências sugerem que o lobby do etanol utilizou seus recursos financeiros e canais de influência para pressionar os membros do Congresso dos EUA a aprovar leis que concedessem benefícios setoriais na forma de subsídio. Os produtores do etanol fizeram doações aos candidatos em defesa de uma agenda agrícola, aumentando as chances de elegê-los para que representassem seus interesses na Câmara dos Representantes e no Senado; contrataram lobistas e custearam atividades em prol da indústria agrícola nacional; emplacaram representantes em agências do governo; apresentaram a pauta de reivindicações durante os trabalhos dos comitês agrícolas da Câmara e do Senado; e fizeram contribuições para a campanha de reeleição dos congressistas às vésperas das votações dos projetos de lei. Essa estratégia do lobby do etanol se revelou eficiente, visto que no período estudado foram aprovadas peças legislativas que atenderam às suas reivindicações. Por outro lado, o sucesso dos produtores americanos de etanol em suas iniciativas produziu distorções no comércio internacional de produtos agrícolas, prejudicando países em desenvolvimento como o Brasil / The way in which domestic actors defend their economic interests can influence international trade. From this perspective of analysis, this Master’s thesis aims to demonstrate that ethanol lobbyists influenced the features of U.S. agricultural and energy policy in the last decade. The two-level model proposed by Robert D. Putnam allowed identifying the lobbying groups for the ethanol industry and the strategies by asserting their interests, especially in the electoral arena and in decision arenas in Executive and Legislative decision-making. Evidence suggests that the ethanol lobby has used its financial resources and channels of influence for pressuring Members of U.S. Congress to pass laws providing benefits in the form of sectorial subsidies. Ethanol producers donated money to candidates in defense of agricultural issues, increasing the chances of electing congressional representatives to represent their interests in the House and in the Senate. They engaged in lobbying and financed activities in agricultural defense. They had representatives in government agencies. They presented a list of demands during the work time of the agricultural committees. They contributed to Members of Congress’ reelection campaign on the eve of voting of the bills. This strategy of the ethanol lobby was effective because representatives and senators enacted pieces of legislation towards the parochial demand. On the other hand, the triumph of American producers of ethanol created distortions for international trade of agricultural products, harming developing countries like Brazil

South Africa is no longer a pariah state and has been fully integrated into the global family of nations. With the country’s accession to multilateral agreements like the World Trade Organization (WTO), there has been pressure on the government to abandon its hitherto protectionist trade regime in favour of free and fair trade. Trade liberalisation has had profound implications for the country’s manufacturing sector in general, and the automotive industry in particular, which has seen tariff protection radically slashed and import restrictions greatly eased. Not only has the market share of domestic producers fallen, but increases in exports have to date not matched those of imports. As a result there has been a deterioration in the sector’s balance of trade and a reduction in employment levels, at a time when the country desperately needs to create new jobs. Recent developments, however, suggest that this scenario may be set to change. The thesis applies orthodox neoclassical and heterodox approaches to trade policy to an assessment of the likely economic impact of trade liberalisation on the automotive industry in the Eastern Cape, and by extension nationally. The thesis argues that reliance on orthodox trade theory to inform the direction of trade policy, especially in a developing country context, is unlikely to bring about an adequate increase in the level of exports and employment. This is because liberalisation of the import regime is likely to increase import levels without necessarily stimulating export levels, a scenario which serves to negate the presupposed benefits of liberalisation. The study uses information from surveys conducted on both motor vehicle assemblers and component manufacturing firms to investigate the effect of trade liberalisation on the sector in the Province and finds that, by and large, the motor assemblers have not fared as badly as expected and have in fact positioned themselves to export more vehicles and components. The components sector has had to contend with increased competition from cheaper imports. The thesis, while acknowledging that, as far as possible, free trade is an optimal position, nonetheless argues that governments still have an important role to play in the promotion of industrialisation. The scope of government intervention should, however, be limited to selective interventions which are aimed at counteracting market failure and facilitating innovation and the diffusion of technological know-how. The thesis argues that institution of supply side measures, such as the encouragement of research and development (R&D), skills development and industrial training, is necessary for sustained growth in the manufacturing sector to be realised. The thesis also finds that, contrary to expectations, the liberalisation of the automotive sector has not had the desired effects. Despite an increase in the value of automotive exports and an overall trend towards reduced net foreign exchange usage, employment levels are on the decline. The thesis also finds that without major export initiatives by both motor vehicle assemblers and component manufacturers, the future of the industry will be placed in jeopardy, especially with reduced protection and incentives.

This thesis investigates the optimal enforcement of competition policy in innovative industries and in the banking sector. Chapter 2 analyses the welfare impact of compulsory licensing in the context of unilateral refusals to license intellectual property. When the risk-free rate is low, compulsory licensing is shown unambiguously to increase consumer surplus. Compulsory licensing has an ambiguous effect on total welfare, but is more likely to increase total welfare in industries that are naturally less competitive. Compulsory licensing is also shown to be an effective policy to protect competition per se. The chapter also demonstrates the robustness of these results to alternative settings of R&D competition. Chapter 3 develops a much more general framework for the study of optimal competition policy enforcement in innovative industries. A major contribution of this chapter is to separate carefully a firm's decision to innovate from its decision to take some generic anti-competitive action. This allows us to differentiate between firms' counterfactual behaviour, according to whether or not they would have innovated in the absence of any potentially anti-competitive conduct. In contrast to the existing literature, it is shown that the stringency of optimal policy will be harsher towards firms that have innovated in addition to taking a given anticompetitive action. Chapter 4 develops a framework for competition policy in the banking sector, which takes explicit account of capital regulation. In particular, conditions are derived under which increases in the capital requirement increase the incentives of banks to engage in a generic abuse of dominance in the loan market, and to exploit depositors through the sale of ancillary financial products. Thus the central contribution of this chapter is to clarify the conditions under which stability-focused capital regulation conflicts with competition and consumer protection policy in the banking sector.

No description available.

The study used the partial equilibrium WITS-SMART Simulation Model to assess the impact of liberalization under the Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) of a free trade area between the EU and South Africa. The findings of the study reveal that total trade effects in South Africa are likely to surge by US$ 1.036 billion with a total welfare valued at US$ 134 million. Dismantling tariffs on all EU goods would be beneficial to consumers through net trade creation. Total trade creation would be US$ 782 million. However, South African producers are likely to contribute a trade diversion of US$ 254 million which has a negative impact on consumer welfare. The country might also experience a revenue loss amounting to US$ 562 million due to the removal of tariffs. On trade, the country’s export and import to the EU is expected to increase by US$ 12.419 million and US$ 1.266 million respectively. To mitigate revenue loss, the country should try to diversify its current tax base.

The purpose of this study is, first, to describe the Canadian government's policy for the domestic footwear industry during the 1970-1985 period, and second, to account for the forces that shaped it. The analysis is conducted within an "organizational" framework, which is based on the approach developed by Peter Hall. The framework postulates that the relationships within and among state, societal, and international political-economic institutions are the key determinants of economic policy. The study argues that it is the conflicts within and among the state, manufacturing interests (business and labour in the footwear industry, and those in the supplying industries), and trading interests (importers and retailers dealing in footwear), conditioned by international political economy, that shaped the government's policy. It is concluded that the state and manufacturing interests formed internally united organizations and pursued well defined objectives. The state's objective was to assist the industry through high tariffs and financial aid for modernization. In contrast, the manufacturing interests' objective was to secure quotas on imports. While the two sides were internally united, neither were sufficiently strong to impose their objectives on the other. The international political economy favoured the use of tariffs and financial assistance. At the same time, circumstances arose -- resulting from economic recession, appreciation of the Canadian dollar, and the threat of Quebec separatism--that made it difficult for the state to resist the manufacturing interests' demands. In such circumstances, the industry succeeded, if only temporarily, in securing quotas in addition to tariffs and financial assistance. The trading interests were somewhat divided among themselves, which restricted their capacity to participate effectively in the policy process. Their positions were relevant only to the extent they could be selectively used by the state to resist the manufacturing interests' demands. A theme of major theoretical significance that emerges from this study is the importance of international political economy in the making of domestic policies. The second theoretical implication of the study is the need to view the state and societal actors in a policy process not just as players, but also as structures. They form an organized relationship, both within and in relation to each other, which facilitates the pursuit of some objectives and impedes the accomplishment of others. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate