This aim of this thesis is to analyse the demand for labour from trade with a selection of South Africa’s trading partners. It is expected that labour demand will be greater in trade with developed blocs. Trade between developing blocs, however, is thought to be more skilled labour intensive and such trade should have greater linkages. This ought to feed through into greater labour demand so that South-South trade may be more ‘labour creating’ than expected. As it is more skill intensive, it may also be more dynamic, which has implications for future growth and development. Factor content methodology is used to assess labour demand. Calculations consider linkages to other sectors (which will increase labour demand) and the use of scarce resources (which has an opportunity cost to labour). The findings support the claim that trade with developing blocs is more professional labour intensive. Evidence that it may be more dynamic and have greater linkages to labour is borne out in exports to SADC. Greater labour demand through linkages, however, is not evident in net trade to SADC. Neither are they of significance in trade with any of the other developing blocs so labour effects due to linkages appear to be negligible. The advantages of South-South trade may rather lie in the dynamic benefits that trade in higher technology goods provides. When scarce resources such as capital and professional labour are taken into account, it is found that labour demand is negative in net trade to all blocs. However, even without the problem of scarce resources, most blocs have a negative demand for labour in net trade. The indication is that with the present trade patterns, South Africa cannot expect trade to increase labour demand. Policy which could improve this situation would be to increase labour force skills, improve the flexibility of the labour market and develop sectors which are both more advanced as well as labour intensive. Despite the negative impact of trade on labour in general, it is found that trade does differ by direction and that for each labour type there are certain blocs where labour demand is positive. This is also the case in net trade for particular sectors. Such information could be used as part of a targeted trade policy to assist in the marketing of particular sectors in trade and also for increasing labour demand for certain labour groups.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-26Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:38:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 preto_ccl_me_mar.pdf: 518789 bytes, checksum: ff69050c8e910c1c95be956f0948b03f (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho tem como objetivo central examinar e problematizar a reflexão sobre o relacionamento entre a Organização Mundial do Comércio e, seu principal arquiteto, os Estados Unidos, à luz de diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais e de considerações em torno do debate doméstico sobre a OMC nesse país. Observamos a relação entre os EUA e a OMC tanto no que concerne o plano das negociações comerciais multilaterais, como também, no que se refere à dimensão do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias, tentando estabelecer paralelos com as dificuldades de negociação no âmbito da Rodada Doha. Historicamente, os EUA dominaram os resultados das negociações comerciais multilaterais, prevalecendo na determinação do conteúdo das regras da OMC, assim como, na definição de suas principais características: uma ampla cobertura temática e a presença de um mecanismo judicial que está entre as formas mais avançadas de direito internacional da atualidade. Contudo, estudos indicam que, no plano das negociações comerciais, devido a alterações na economia mundial, a tradicional influência norte-americana foi sendo reduzida ao longo do tempo, apresentando implicações importantes para o processo de produção de regras da organização. Além disso, autores sugerem que a reforma do OSC melhorou o posicionamento das partes demandantes das disputas, mesmo quando essas partes estavam iniciando casos contra os EUA, restringindo assim a capacidade desse Estado de determinar os resultados das disputas e de descumprir seus compromissos internacionais no campo do comércio. Os interesses norte-americanos estão largamente refletidos na OMC e, embora esse seja o traço mais forte a definir o relacionamento entre os EUA e essa instituição, ele não é o único. A interação entre a OMC e os interesses dos EUA parece mais complexa do que alguns teóricos das relações internacionais argumentaram / The main purpose of this work is to examine and discuss the reflection on the relationship between the World Trade Organization and, its principal architect, the United States, in light of different theories of International Relations and of considerations over the domestic debate on the WTO in this country. We observed the relationship between the U.S. and the WTO both in respect to the multilateral trade negotiations and with regard to the Dispute Settlement Body, trying to draw parallels with the current difficulties in negotiating the Doha Round. Historically, the U.S. has dominated the results of multilateral trade negotiations, prevailed in the determination of the rules of the WTO and, consequently, in the definition of its main features: a broad coverage and the presence of a judicial mechanism that is among the most advanced forms of international law today. Nevertheless, concerning the multilateral trade negotiations, studies point out that, due to changes in the global economy, U.S.’s influence in this area has been reduced over time, with significant implications for the rule-making process of the organization. Besides that, some authors argue that the reform of the DSB has improved the positioning of plaintiffs in disputes, even when they were starting cases against the U.S. and thus restricted U.S.’s ability to determine the outcome of disputes and disregard its international commitments in the field of trade. U.S.’s interests are largely reflected in the WTO and, although this is the strongest characteristic applied in order to describe the relationship between the U.S. and this institution, this is not the only one. The interaction between the WTO and the U.S’s interests may actually be more complex than some International Relations scholars have argued

From early colonial times the Canadian economy, highly dependent on exports, has developed a pluralist economic system in a generally congenial international environment. Since 1970 however, the Canadian economy has been challenged, albeit at the margins, by unfamiliar impacts largely originating in the Pacific economy. The institutional reactions of relevant Canadian export interests - defined as the federal government, provincial governments and a small number of Canadian firms - have, on the whole, proved inadequate to these challenges. This inadequacy threatens Canadian domestic prosperity and constrains economic and political options internationally. This study hypothesizes that an adequate response to these new challenges depends on institutional adaptation within and among Canadian export interests. Six principles are advanced to promote this adaptation: 1. the priority of economic considerations; 2. the legitimate role of government; 3. full provincial participation; 4. coordination by the national government; 5. an authoritative voice for each interest; 6. better sharing and use of information. The six principles are applied in three case studies. The first concerns the international marketing challenge posed by the Japanese general trading company (soga shosha), and the Canadian government's initiative to create a Canadian trading corporation. The application of the six principles suggests an alternative proposal, the Canadian Commercial Centre, in which Canadian export interests develop and share information in a way which recognizes the appropriate role of each and the obligation of all to attain a greater coherence. The second case study concerns the recent Western Liquid Natural Gas (WLNG) project which featured a new form of investment (the minority interest joint venture coupled with a long-term supply contract) in which a consortium of Japanese buyers represented by a Japanese general trading company sought to reach agreement with an uncoordinated collection of Canadian firms and governments. The lack of coherence among these Canadian interests was at least a contributing factor in the loss of an opportunity to expand and diversify Canadian LNG markets. The application of the six principles to the WLNG case yields an alternative Canadian approach involving the early establishment of a committee of authoritative officials from the relevant Canadian interests, and a new coordinating role for a federal agency like the (now disbanded) Ministry of State for Economic and Regional Development and the Federal Economic Development Coordinator. The final case study concerns the challenge to trade and investment represented by the movement to a Pacific economic community, notably the Pacific Economic Community concept (PECC). The current reactions of such institutions as the Canadian committee of the Pacific Basin Economic Council and the federal Department of External Affairs are assessed, leading to the recommendation that the Canadian government should involve a wider constituency of current and potential Canadian export interests in an educational policy process which may bear on Canada's future prosperity and political resilience. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Diploma thesis "Decision-making process in the Council of the European Union after the enlargement 2004 - common commercial policy" deals with decision- making in the Council of the European Union and focuses in particular on the negotiations at a lower level. The common commercial policy is the target area mainly because of exclusive competences of the European Community. The aim of this thesis is the view of negotiations on the commercial agenda in the Council of the European Union and the coalition groups among Member States. A prerequisite for the analysis is the hypothesis, whether it is possible to derive from coalition groups at a lower level of decision-making the later coalitions in the Council of the European union. The analysis is based on reports of the Committee 133, the key body for the Council of the European Union in the common commercial policy in the period from January 2005 to December 2006. The data set was examined by the cluster analysis method.

Die Arbeit geht der Frage nach, wie die meisten EU-Mitgliedstaaten eigenständige Regelungen für die Kontrolle ausländischer Direktinvestitionen haben können, obgleich ausländische Direktinvestitionen seit 2009 der gemeinsamen Handelspolitik der EU zuzuordnen sind. Die gemeinsame Handelspolitik ist eine ausschließliche Kompetenz der EU und schließt damit die Mitgliedstaaten von der Rechtsset-zung aus. Mit der Verordnung (EU) 2019/452 (Screening-Verordnung) werden den Mitgliedstaaten kaum Vorgaben gemacht, weshalb die Screening-Verordnung nicht als Ermächtigung der Mitgliedstaa-ten qualifiziert werden kann. Zunächst bestimmt die Arbeit die Weite der Kompetenzübertragung in Art. 207 AEUV im Bereich der autonomen Maßnahmen in Bezug auf ausländische Direktinvestitionen. Nachdem die Zuordnungskrite-rien der Rechtsprechung zur gemeinsamen Handelspolitik auf die neue Sachmaterie der ausländischen Direktinvestitionen übertragen wurde, werden verbreitete autonome Maßnahmen in Bezug auf auslän-dische Direktinvestitionen der gemeinsamen Handelspolitik zugeordnet. Unter Berücksichtigung des Art. 207 Abs. 2 AEUV stellt die Arbeit fest, dass die ausschließliche Kompetenz der EU im Bereich der autonomen Handelspolitik auf eine Rahmenrechtssetzungskompe-tenz beschränkt ist. Im Anschluss daran werden Kriterien für die Abgrenzung von Rahmenrechtsakten entwickelt. Sodann wird festgestellt, dass Art. 64 Abs. 2 AEUV eine geteilte Kompetenz für Vollrege-lungen für autonome Maßnahmen in Bezug auf ausländische Direktinvestitionen enthält und die aus-schließliche Rahmenrechtssetzungskompetenz der EU ergänzt. In Randbereichen kann sich ein Kompetenzvorbehalt zu Gunsten der Mitgliedstaaten ergeben. Die Arbeit untersucht daher die Regelungen zur nationalen Sicherheit in Art. 4 Abs. 2 EUV und Art. 346 Abs. 1 AEUV sowie den Eigentumsvorbehalt in Art. 345 AEUV. Abschließend stellt die Arbeit die Screening-Verordnung als Rahmenrechtsakt im Sinne des Art. 207 Abs. 2 AEUV dar. / The thesis examines the question of how most EU Member States can have independent regulations for the control of foreign direct investments, although foreign direct investments have become part of the EU's common commercial policy in 2009. The common commercial policy is an exclusive compe-tence of the EU and therefore excludes the member states from legislation in this field. Regulation (EU) 2019/452 (Screening Regulation) hardly sets any requirements for the member states, which is why the Screening Regulation cannot be qualified as an empowerment of the member states. First, the thesis determines the scope of the delegation of powers in Article 207 (1) TFEU in the area of autonomous measures in relation to foreign direct investments. After the classification criteria of the case law on the common commercial policy have been transferred to the new subject matter of foreign direct investments, widespread autonomous measures in relation to foreign direct investment are classified to the common commercial policy. Taking into account Article 207 (2) TFEU, the thesis establishes that the exclusive competence of the EU in the area of autonomous common commercial policy is limited to the competence to adopt framework regulations. Subsequently, criteria for framework regulations are developed. It is then es-tablished that Article 64 (2) TFEU contains a shared competence for regulations that goes beyond the scope of framework regulations for the autonomous regulation of foreign direct investment and supp-lements the EU's exclusive competence for framework regulations. In marginal areas, there may be a reservation of competence in favor of the member states. Therefo-re, the thesis examines the regulations on national security in Article 4 (2) TEU and Article 346 (1) TFEU as well as the reservation of ownership in Article 345 TFEU. Finally, the work presents the Screening Regulation as a framework regulation within the meaning of Article 207 (2) TFEU.

Trade liberalization in Kenya started in the early 1980s with the structural adjustment programmes, and continued under the multilateral framework of the WTO. During the same period, the incidence of poverty and level of inequality also worsened. The government’s focus on trade negotiations has been to ensure that there is policy space for the daily running of the economy even though welfare impacts are also important. Non-state actors have argued that trade liberalization has negatively affected the poor; particularly the farmers, since they cannot compete with the developed countries whose farmers enjoy significant government support through subsidies, making their products much cheaper in the world market. Government officials, on the other hand, contend that trade liberalization is good as it brings in competition and transfer of technology which is good for an economy. It is important to examine how trade liberalization has affected household’s welfare in Kenya, given that this kind of analysis has not been conducted in Kenya. This study is unique because it does not assume the existence of a trade liberalization– poverty relationship, unlike most studies. It uses a multi-method approach to first test the hypothesis that there is no statistically significant relationship between trade liberalization and poverty, it further tests for multiplier effects of trade liberalization on poverty determinants. Trade Liberalization and poverty is found to have a stochastic relationship, furthermore investments and capital stock were found to significantly affect poverty determinants in the stochastic model. Due to unavailability of household welfare measure data in time series, a CGE model was used to establish the dynamics of trade liberalization on poverty at a point in time using the 2003 Social Accounting Matrix Data for Kenya. Overall, trade liberalization accompanied by FDI had the greatest impact on household welfare. Trade liberalization had a positive impact on household welfare since household incomes and consumption increased. Micro simulations results, based on changes in consumption, also showed that poverty incidence reduced for all households, even though the urban households experienced higher decreases. The study found that there was little difference in protecting sensitive products and not protecting them; secondly, trade liberalization accompanied by foreign direct investment had greater impact on improving the household welfare. Consumption and incomes increased, resulting in overall poverty reduction. The welfare of urban households was much higher than rural households in terms of income and consumption increases. However, income inequality was much higher in urban than rural areas. / Economics / D. Litt. et Phil. (Economics)

D.Com. (Economics) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of London, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-294) and index.

No description available.

En tant qu’entité politique dotée d’un pouvoir normatif, l’Union européenne participe à la tentative d’appréhension de la réalité économique que sont les investissements internationaux. Mais l’Union n’est pas un État ; or, l’appréhension juridique de cette matière résulte essentiellement de la coexistence d’États. Comment, dès lors, l’ordre juridique européen se saisit-il des investissements internationaux ? Il le fait de longue date dans le cadre de l’élaboration du marché intérieur puisque les traités UE et FUE sont, entre autres, des instruments de libéralisation des investissements transfrontaliers. Depuis l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, une étape supplémentaire a été franchie dans le processus de consolidation de la compétence européenne dans le domaine des investissements : l’Union est désormais dotée d’une compétence externe exclusive en matière d’investissements étrangers directs dans le cadre de la politique commerciale commune. La mise en œuvre de cette compétence européenne montre deux choses. Malgré l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, l’Union ne dispose encore que d’une compétence limitée dans ce domaine qui lui permet certes d’agir mais qui ne suffit pas à créer les conditions de sa pleine substitution aux États membres. La coexistence entre l’Union et les États membres qui en résulte n’empêche cependant pas la recherche autonome d’affirmation de l’Union sur la scène internationale. Celle-ci révèle alors la spécificité de son action économique extérieure : plus qu’elle ne protège l’investissement, l’Union recherche, au moyen de la règle de droit, la libre circulation des flux d’investissements et des courants d’échanges internationaux. / As a political entity endowed with a normative power, the European Union contributes to the attempt to apprehend the economic reality of international investments. But the Union is not a State ; yet, the juridical prehension of this matter essentially results from the coexistence of sovereign States. Consequently, how does the EU legal order comprehend international investments? Long-standing, it does so as part of the organisation of the internal market, since the TEU and TFEU are, among other things, juridical instruments of cross-border investments liberalisation. Since the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty, the strengthening of the EU’scompetence over international investments went one step further. Henceforth, the EU has an exclusive external competence over foreign direct investments within the framework of the common commercial policy. The implementation of this competence shows two things. Despite the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty, the Union still does not possess the whole competence on investment matters. Certainly, the Union can now act more easily in this field. However, that competence does not suffice to create the legal conditions allowing for its full substitution to the Member States. Though, the resulting coexistence between the Union and the Member States does not prevent the Union from researching an autonomous way to assertits own existence and identity on the world stage. By doing so, the Union reveals the specific features of its external economic action regarding international investments : more than the protection of particular investments, the Union seeks, by using the rule of law, the free movement of investment and trade international flows.