Thesis (M.S.) -- Worcester Polytechnic Institute. / Keywords: energy; security; 802.11 security protocols; wireless networks. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-66).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-108). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.

Thesis (Ph.D)--Electrical and Computer Engineering, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. / Committee Chair: Laskar, Joy; Committee Member: Cressler, John; Committee Member: Kohl, Paul; Committee Member: Kornegay, Kevin; Committee Member: Tentzeris, Emmanouil. Part of the SMARTech Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Collection.

IEEE 802.11 networks successfully satisfy high data demands and are cheaper compared to cellular networks. Modern mobile computers and phones are equipped with 802.11 and are VoIP capable. Current network designs do not dynamically accommodate changes in the usage. We propose a dynamic power control algorithm that provides greater capacity within a limited geographic region. Most other power algorithms necessitate changes in 802.11 requiring hardware changes. Proposed algorithm only requires firmware updates to enable dynamic control of APs transmit power. We use earlier studies to determine the limit of the number of users to optimize power. By lowering transmit power of APs with large number of users, we can effectively decrease the cell size. The resulting gap is then covered by dynamically activating additional APs. This also provides greater flexibility and reduces the network planning costs. / by Serkan Dural. / Thesis (M.S.C.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Power and timing requirements are becoming more and more stringent as applications move from less mobile devices to more mobile ones. As such, it is important to optimize these applications as much as possible in order to provide the best solution that is low power and low latency. Although there are many different techniques to achieve a low power, low latency solution, this thesis focuses specifically on low power scheduling at the behavioral level where resource-constrained scheduling is the technique of choice since it directly considers the resource limitations of mobile devices. Conventional resource-constrained scheduling schemes are concerned with minimizing the latency or improving the speed of an algorithm--represented by a data flow graph (DFG)--given a limitation on resources. However, these conventional resource-constrained scheduling schemes are no longer applicable since power has grown to be a major issue, especially in mobile devices. Hence, the conventional resource-constrained scheduling schemes gave way to current resource-constrained scheduling schemes that utilize multiple voltages, which work to find a balance between speed and power. These current multiple voltage schemes use various techniques to balance and meet the speed and power requirements. But while they do a good job of meeting these requirements, they fail to address a new issue that is beginning to surface the number of memory registers needed. Therefore, to address this new arising issue, this paper presents a novel resource-constrained scheduling scheme that balances the speed, power, and register requirements. This algorithm is compared to both a conventional resource-constrained scheduling scheme and a current resource-constrained scheduling scheme with multiple voltages to show that it performs better in finding a scheduling solution. Benchmark results show that, on average, our algorithm has a better power savings while keeping the maximum number of registers needed and the latency low compared to conventional resource-constrained scheduling schemes and current resource-constrained scheduling schemes utilizing just multiple voltages. / Graduation date: 2004

Title: Power Plate Center's Marketing Communication Objectives: : The objective of this diploma thesis is to discover the present state of the marketing communication of the sport institute Power Plate Center in Jungmannova street in Prague both in the customers view and also in the view of the company itself. On the basis of the gathered data then evaluate, eventually suggest the improvement of the current marketing communication. Moreover, by the aid of this data also suggest the marketing communication aimed at view potential clients. Methods: The quantitative method of the data collection by questionnaire and the qualitative method of data collection with the help of the depth interview was used in this work. The results were illustrated by tables, texts and graphs. Results: After the evaluation of the results, several faults of the Power Plate Center's communication with their customers were found best. In the synthetic part some recommendations were made, which could lead it the improvement of this marketing communication. Keywords: Marketing communication, communication mix, marketing research, questionnaire, depth interview, Power Plate.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-04-26T12:15:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 cibelesilvaesouza.pdf: 2149141 bytes, checksum: eb8ec8bba19f31645d99ca1f4e6777ff (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: on 2018-05-04T15:32:37Z (GMT) / Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T15:33:10Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T15:09:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T15:09:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2018-02-22 / Como efeito das interações entre o campo da comunicação e o campo político, este trabalho parte do pressuposto de que as eleições contemporâneas são marcadas pelo processo da personalização política, definido como o uso dos supostos atributos pessoais dos atores políticos, constituindo o cerne da argumentação eleitoral, com o objetivo de conquistar e manter apoios. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo das estratégias da construção da imagem de Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) em dois momentos: o primeiro, durante o segundo turno das Eleições 2014 (em debates televisionados); o segundo, no período do Impeachment 2016 (em pronunciamentos públicos). A investigação busca verificar, no contexto de uma nova ambiência eleitoral, quais imagens foram construídas dos dois primeiros colocados nas eleições, e o quanto houve de alterações dessas personas nos dois anos analisados (2014 e 2016). Busca-se testar a hipótese de que os políticos assumem papéis e posicionamentos discrepantes nos debates e nos pronunciamentos, em função de variações dos contextos. O corpus é dividido em dois recortes: o primeiro, composto por debates veiculados nos quatro principais canais de comunicação do País, no contexto do pleito do segundo turno das Eleições 2014; o segundo, do recorte de pronunciamentos públicos emitidos em vídeo, no contexto político do impeachment da presidente da república, em 2016. Como base metodológica, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo, tal como operada por Laurence Bardin (2009), com o propósito de identificar as confluências e dissonâncias recorrentes entre os dois momentos, em perspectiva comparativa. Observou-se que, apesar das especificidades identificadas em cada um dos contextos (por exemplo, o aumento da preocupação de Dilma em destacar nos discursos qualidades positivas de si mesma em 2016, comparativamente a 2014), nos dois cenários analisados (o auge da eleição e a crise política), Dilma e Aécio, de modo geral, adotaram uma estratégia fortemente focada na desconstrução da imagem do adversário político. / In the context of an effect of the interactions between the field of communication and the political field, this work assumes that contemporary elections are marked by the process of political personalization, defined as the use of the supposed personal attributes of political actors as the core of electoral argumentation, with the aim of winning and maintaining support. The dissertation presents a study of the image-building strategies of Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) in two moments: the first during the second round of the 2014 elections (in televised debates) and the second in the 2016 impeachment period (in public pronouncements). The purpose of the investigation is to verify, in the context of a new electoral environment, which images were constructed of the first two placed in the last elections, and how much these political characterse were altered in the two analyzed years (2014 and 2016). We try to test the hypothesis that politicians assume discrepant positions in debates and pronouncements, due to variations in contexts.The ‘corpus’ of the analysis is divided into two cutouts: the first consists of debates conveyed in the four main channels of communication in the context of the second round of elections in 2014; the second in the political context of the impeachment of the president of the republic in 2016 from the cut of public forecasts issued on video. For this, as a methodological basis, we used the Content Analysis, conceptualized by Laurence Bardin (2009), with the purpose of identifying the confluences and recurrent dissonances between the two moments, in a comparative perspective. It was observed that, despite the specificities in each of the contexts - for example, the increase in Dilma's concern to highlight in the speeches positive qualities of herself in 2016 compared to 2014 - in the two scenarios analyzed (the peak of the election and the political crisis), Dilma and Aécio, in general, adopted a strategy strongly focused on deconstructing the image of the political adversary.

No description available.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-04-11T11:53:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavofernandesparavizomira.pdf: 7814120 bytes, checksum: 853ae0dce51986cf864269783a6c8ef1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-04-17T19:31:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavofernandesparavizomira.pdf: 7814120 bytes, checksum: 853ae0dce51986cf864269783a6c8ef1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-17T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavofernandesparavizomira.pdf: 7814120 bytes, checksum: 853ae0dce51986cf864269783a6c8ef1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-17 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa propõe-se a investigar a interface entre os campos da comunicação e da política, focando especificamente nos mandatos dos deputados federais com domicílio eleitoral em Juiz de Fora (Marcus Pestana – PSDB, Margarida Salomão – PT, Wadson Ribeiro – PC do B e Júlio Delgado – PSB) e suas estratégias de visibilidade midiática e de conexão política e eleitoral com o cidadão/eleitor nos dois primeiros anos de mandato. São discutidos os tensionamentos entre os campos da comunicação e da política, especialmente em função da nova ambiência massiva e digital na qual se dão as disputas pelo oferecimento de consensos válidos à prática política, cuja função é cada vez mais estratégica para a visibilidade na sociedade midiatizada. Busca-se na literatura da ciência política a explicação para comportamentos legislativos particularistas, nos quais os benefícios destinados a certas localidades atenderiam à necessidade dos congressistas de maximizar seus ganhos eleitorais. Tendo em vista a participação da comunicação no processo representativo e as adaptações da política à sua gramática, alguns autores acreditam que os limites entre a campanha e o governo perderam suas especificidades, já que as técnicas de campanha passaram a fazer parte do exercício de mandatos e o interesse na reeleição seria um grande fator motivador durante os governos. Neste sentido, parte-se da hipótese de que as conexões com o eleitor/cidadão, as quais podem garantir a legitimidade do mandato bem como o capital político do deputado federal, ocorrem de formas variadas, dependendo do reduto eleitoral, do perfil do eleitor, o que implica em variáveis políticas (o elo estabelecido com as lideranças políticas, comunitárias, religiosas e de movimentos sociais que funcionam como líderes de opinião e mediadores, visitas a bairros de Juiz de Fora e cidades próximas, destinação de verbas para os municípios onde têm maior votação etc.) e as variáveis comunicacionais (boa visibilidade na mídia, canais de comunicação com o eleitor). Do ponto de vista da pesquisa empírica, este trabalho está dividido em três partes: 1) análise da trajetória política dos deputados e as respectivas distribuições dos votos no estado de Minas Gerais nas eleições de 2014, com destaque para a mesorregião da Zona da Mata, na qual está localizada a cidade de Juiz de Fora; 2) verificação dos empenhos de emendas parlamentares alocados na mesorregião e a conexão com as respectivas votações; 3) análise de conteúdo das postagens publicadas nas páginas oficiais dos deputados no Facebook, com vistas ao tipo de mensagens postadas e os vínculos estabelecidos nas interações com o cidadão/eleitor. Em sentido complementar, foram realizadas entrevistas em profundidade com os deputados federais para discutir as estratégias políticas e comunicativas dos mandatos com intuito de compreender a forma pela qual os parlamentares escolhem enfatizar determinadas ações comunicativas e políticas em detrimento de outras possíveis. Pode-se afirmar, diante das análises realizadas, que as distintas trajetórias políticas, em associação com diferentes ações políticas e comunicativas de mandato, resultam em ênfases distintas no uso das ferramentas comunicativas por parte dos mandatos e graus de esforços bastante específicos no que diz respeito às regiões atendidas pelos mandatos. Portanto, as trajetórias políticas de deputados federais obedecem a lógicas bastante particulares, considerando-se fatores como os incentivos do sistema políticos, a necessidade de visibilidade e a particularidade das carreiras políticas. / This research intends to investigate the interface between the field of the communication and the field of the politics, specifically focusing in the federal deputies' mandates with electoral home in Juiz de Fora (Marcus Pestana – PSDB, Margarida Salomão – PT, Wadson Ribeiro – PC do B e Júlio Delgado – PSB) and their strategies of visibility on media and political and electoral connection with the citizen/voter in the first two years of political office. We discuss the tensioning among the fields of the communication and of the politics, especially in function of the new massive and digital ambient environment in which happens some disputes to offer valid consensus to political practice, whose function is more and more strategic for the visibility in mediated society. The literature on political science seeks to explain particularist legislative behaviors in which benefits intended for certain localities would meet the necessity for congressmen to maximize their electoral gains. Considering the participation of the communication in the representative process and the adaptations of the policy to its grammar, some authors believe that the limits between the campaign and the government have lost their specificities, since the techniques of campaign began to be part of the exercise of mandates and Interest in re-election would be a great motivating factor during governments. In this sense, it is based on the hypothesis that the connections with the citizen/voter, which can guarantee the legitimacy of the mandate as well as the political capital of the federal deputy occur in varied forms, depending on the electoral district, voter profile, and which implies in political variables (the link established with political, community and religious leaderships and social movements that function as opinion leaders and mediators, visits to neighborhoods in Juiz de Fora and nearby cities, allocation of funds to municipalities where they have higher votes, etc.) and the communicational variables (good visibility in the media, channels of communication with the voter). From the point of view of empirical research, this paper is divided into three parts: 1) analysis of the political trajectory of the congressmen and the respective distributions of votes in the state of Minas Gerais in the 2014 elections, with emphasis on the meso-region of Zona da Mata, in which the city of Juiz de Fora is located; 2) verification of the commitment of parliamentary amendments allocated in the mesoregion and the connection with the respective votes; 3) content analysis of the posts published in the official pages of the deputies on Facebook, regarding the type of messages posted and the links established in the interactions with the citizen/voter. In a complementary sense, in-depth interviews were conducted with the federal deputies to discuss the political and communicative strategies of the mandates in order to understand the way in which the parliamentarians choose to emphasize certain communicative and political actions to the detriment of others possible. In view of the analyzes made, it can be stated that different political trajectories, in association with distinct political and communicative actions in mandates, results in different emphases in the use of communicative tools by the specificities of mandates and degrees of efforts with respect to the Regions served by mandates.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-18T17:47:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreaugustodacosta.pdf: 4837074 bytes, checksum: 0d47fd4e768af3a8519307f0b1d91085 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-19T14:33:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreaugustodacosta.pdf: 4837074 bytes, checksum: 0d47fd4e768af3a8519307f0b1d91085 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-19T14:33:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandreaugustodacosta.pdf: 4837074 bytes, checksum: 0d47fd4e768af3a8519307f0b1d91085 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-13 / A adaptação do campo político à lógica da mídia trouxe implicações graves à representação democrática. Autores como Schwartzenberg (1977), Leal (2002) e Gomes (2004) argumentam que, ao construir uma imagem pública de si, os agentes políticos assumem personagens em prejuízo das questões programáticas dos partidos e das pautas urgentes da sociedade. Ao considerarmos que estamos inseridos em uma sociedade midiatizada em que há um desencanto dos eleitores com os representantes, e que a política caminha a uma personalização, interessa-nos saber, neste trabalho, como isto ocorre no ambiente das Redes Sociais na Internet (RSIs). Para tanto, investigamos as fanpages do Facebook Dilma Rousseff (oficial) e Dilma Bolada (fictícia) no decorrer da Copa do Mundo do Brasil em 2014. A hipótese levantada é que ambas desempenharam um papel importante, numa relação de complementariedade, no processo de construção simbólica de uma imagem positiva de Dilma (não apenas na dimensão política, mas também em relação às supostas qualidades pessoais). Por meio da análise de conteúdo de Bardin (1977) atualizamos as categorias das personagens políticas de Schwartzenberg (1977) com o intuito de identificar qual a principal imagem pública de Dilma Rousseff na Copa. A pesquisa nos permite concluir que as fanpages se articularam durante a competição na construção de uma personagem que acompanhou a mandatária até o processo que culminou no impeachment. / The adaptation of the political field to the logic of the media has had serious implications for democratic representation. Authors such as Schwartzenberg (1977), Leal (2002) and Gomes (2004) argue that in constructing a public image of themselves, political actors assume characters to the detriment of party programmatic issues and urgent societal agenda. When we consider that we are part of a mediated society in which there is a disenchantment of voters with representatives, and that politics is a personalization, we are interested in knowing, in this work, how this occurs in the environment of Internet Social Networks (RSIs). To do so, we investigated the fanpages of Facebook Dilma Rousseff (official) and Dilma Bolada (fictitious) during the World Cup in Brazil in 2014. The hypothesis raised is that both played an important role, in a complementary relationship, in the construction process Symbolic of a positive image of Dilma (not only in the political dimension but also in relation to the supposed personal qualities). Through the content analysis of Bardin (1977) we have updated the categories of the political characters of Schwartzenberg (1977) in order to identify the main public image of Dilma Rousseff in the Cup. The research allows us to conclude that the fanpages were articulated during the competition in the construction of a character that accompanied the agent until the process that culminated in the impeachment.