Rural Development Forestry (RDF) is being widely promoted in Scotland by both policy makers and pressure groups alike. The idea behind RDF is to recognise and respond to the needs and demands of local communities for forests and forest products. Despite publications and discussion regarding the relative merits of the adoption of an RDF-style of forest management, there is a lack of empirical studies on the subject. This study develops an appraisal technique to investigate forest benefits currently provided by forestry to local communities in Scotland. It examines the future benefits which these same local communities would like to see delivered by the forest and the level of participation in forest management and decision making which they would like, in order for this to be achieved. The appraisal was achieved through surveys, conducted at four different study sites throughout Scotland. The questionnaires utilised during the surveys explored the current benefits which individual respondents derive from their local forests and those delivered to the whole community. In most cases, these were benefits associated with recreational use or amenity values of the forests. For the majority of respondents the most important benefit for the forests to provide in the future is locally based employment. However, the recreational and amenity benefits are also afforded high priority for provision in the future. A contingent valuation survey was utilised to establish the level of demand for participation in forest management and decision-making by rural residents. The results demonstrate that although a number of respondents value the idea of being consulted and having some input into this process, the majority are not in favour of the community taking on responsibility for the forests. However, there is marked variation between the localities. The study highlights a number of implications for future forest policy, if RDF is to be carried forward. One of the most significant findings of the study is the heterogeneity within and between communities and thus the flexible approach which is required for the promotion of RDF.

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Graduation date: 1984

<p>Traditional leaders were occupying communal political positions sanctified by cultural mores and values who enjoy the legitimacy of particular communities to direct their affairs. Their basis of legitimacy is tradition, which includes the whole range of inherited culture and way of life, a people's history, moral and social values and the traditional institutions which survive to serve those values. As stated by Bennett, the structure of tribes contained no more than a few thousand indivuduals. Members were assumed to be related by a tie of kinship and due to their ancestry, they were a homogenious group. They were three rungs in the hierarchy of traditional leadership, the Kumkani (King), the Nkosi (or Chief, a term the traditional leaders do not like because it is of colonial imposition), and the lowest rung called the Headman or junior traditional leader. Traditional rulers required no special training as they were qualified for office by their ansestry alone / a king is a king because he is born to it. Furthermore, the all inclusive powers of government were not differentiated, in the Western manner, into judicial, administrative and legislative categories. In South Africa the office was hereditary according to the principle of primogeniture in the male line. There was a duty to consult councillors and to act for the benefit of the people. Even though many of the issues of traditional leadership were similar across the country, it must be accepted that traditional leadershipis the expression of different nations. Each African nation had a dirresent system of customary law and different models of traditional societal organisation in which traditional leadership plays diferent roles. If the grip of traditional leaders on the masses of the people were not broken, it would not be easy for colonial powers to get a listening ear from the people and therefore to govern as they saw fit...</p>

Society is increasingly on the move, mobile devices are commonly being used to coordinate group actions, and group communication features are rapidly being added to existing technologies. Despite this, little is known about how mobile groups act, or how communications technologies should be designed to augment existing behaviour. This is partially due to minimal research being done on the topic, but also to the lack of research methods available to study the topic with. Mobile groups are challenging to study because of frequent and long-duration movement, frequent distribution, and the rapidly changing environments they operate within. To address these issues, this research focuses on methodological issues surrounding the development of mobile devices for mobile groups and communities. More specifically it addresses backpackers, who are a relevant example of this type of community. The research primarily explores the convergence of computer supported cooperative work (CSCW) and the field of mobile device development. This enables the combination of emphasis on designing technologies for groups, social implications, mobile device design, and mobile settings. Major research outcomes presented in this thesis lie in three areas: 1) methods, 2) technology designs, and 3) backpacker culture. Five studies of backpacker behaviour and requirements form the core of the research. The methods used are in-situ and exploratory, and apply both novel and existing techniques to the domain of backpackers and mobile groups. Methods demonstrated in this research include: field trips for exploring mobile group behaviour and device usage, a social pairing exercise to explore social networks, contextual postcards to gain distributed feedback, and blog analysis which provides post-hoc diary data. Theoretical contributions include: observations on method triangulation, a taxonomy of mobility research, method templates to assist method usage, and identification of key categories leading to mobile group requirements. Design related outcomes include: 57 mobile tourism product ideas, a format for conveying product concepts, and a design for a wearable device to assist mobile researchers. Our understanding of backpacker culture has also improved as a consequence of the research. It has also generated user requirements to aid mobile development, methods of visualising mobile groups and communities, and a listing of relevant design tensions. Additionally, the research has added to our understanding of how new technologies such as blogs, SMS and iPods are being used by backpackers and how mobile groups naturally communicate.

This study concerned a primary health care approach to trachoma control in two Central Australian Aboriginal communities. The World Health Organization (WHO) has advocated that the best method to control trachoma is the SAFE strategy (Surgery, Antibiotics, Facial hygiene, and Environmental improvements), and this approach was adopted. / The communities, Pipalyatjara and Mimili, with populations slightly less than 300 each, are located in the Anangu Pitjantjatjara (AP) lands of Central Australia, in the northwest corner of the South Australia territory. At Pipalyatjara, a full SAFE-type intervention was undertaken, with the ‘E’ component designed and implemented by the NHC (Nganampa Health Council Inc.). At Mimili, only a SAF-type of intervention was implemented. / Baseline data was gathered for 18 months from March 1999 through September 2000 (five visits to Pipalyatjara and four at Mimili), and included determining trachoma prevalence levels using the WHO system, facial cleanliness, and nasal discharge parameters. A trachoma health program was implemented at the end of this period and a one-time dose of azithromycin was given in September of 2000. The chief focus of the study was children under 15 years of age. / Improvements in road sealing, landscaping, and the creation of mounds were started to improve dust control. Concurrently, efforts were made in the houses of the residents to improve the nine healthy living practices, which were scored in two surveys, in March 1999 and August 2001. Trachoma prevalence, and levels of facial cleanliness and nasal discharge were determined at 3, 6, and 12 months following antibiotic administration. / In children less than 15 years of age, the pre-intervention prevalence level of TF (Trachoma Follicular) was 42% at Pipalyatjara, and 44% at Mimili. For the 1-9 year age group, the TF prevalence was 47% and 54% respectively. For TI (Trachoma Intense), the pre-intervention prevalence was 8% for Pipalyatjara, and 9% for Mimili. The TF prevalence, adjusted for clustering, and using only individuals present at baseline and follow-up (3, 6, and 12 months post-intervention), was 41.5%, 21.2%, 20.0%, and 20.0% at Pipalyatjara respectively. For Mimili, the corresponding prevalence figures were 43.5%, 18.2%, 18.2%, and 30%. / In the 1-9 year age group, a lower TF prevalence existed between the pre-intervention and 12-month post-intervention points at Pipalyatjara compared to Mimili. The TF prevalence after the intervention was also lower for males compared to females, when the cohorts were grouped by gender, rather than community. It is posited that reinfection was much higher at Mimili within this age group, however, in both communities, there appeared to be a core of females whose trachoma status did not change. This is speculated as mainly being caused by prolonged inflammation, though persistent infection C. Trachomatis cannot be ruled out. / Facial cleanliness and nasal discharge continued to improve throughout the intervention at both communities, but at the 3-month post-intervention point no longer became a good predictor of trachoma. / It is not known whether the improvements in the environment at Pipalyatjara were responsible for the reduction in trachoma prevalence 12 months after the intervention, relative to Mimili.

The removal of indigenous forest and associated fragmentation of habitats has probably had significant impacts on the diversity of stream communities in New Zealand. In this study I investigated the effects of forest fragmentation on stream invertebrate communities on Banks Peninsula. Six catchments were investigated, three with continuous indigenous forest in the riparian zone and three with fragmented indigenous riparian forest. An extensive benthic survey was conducted at three sites in each river catchment, one downstream on the mainstem of the river and two sites in different headwater tributaries. Adult sampling, consisting of malaise and sticky trapping, was also conducted at a sub-set of sites. Taxonomic richness of both the benthic and adult communities was significantly higher in continuous forest than in fragmented forest, and the composition of benthic communities also differed between continuous and forest fragments. Furthermore, benthic invertebrate densities were higher in fragments than continuous forest sites. The fragments in the headwaters were more likely to support forest specialist taxa (e.g. the stonefly Zelandobius wardi, and the caddisfly Costachorema peninsulae), than the downstream fragments. My results indicate that forest fragmentation has resulted in marked changes in benthic communities on Banks Peninsula, and that location of the fragment within the catchment also is important in influencing the diversity and composition of benthic communities. The maintenance of indigenous forest in the headwaters of streams may be essential for the persistence of endemic and forest specialist taxa on Banks Peninsula.

Using an anthropological perspective and referring primarily to work by Sidney Mintz, Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu this dissertation focuses on the cultural importance of sugar in rural Berber communities within the Rif region of North Africa. In particular, Mintz is referred to with regard to slavery, Bourdieu in relation to habitus and Foucault in relation to normalization of mass beliefs as well as to events occurring in Morocco which relate directly to power structures within society. As well as providing information about the cultural importance of sugar, an historical account of the development of the sugar industry in Morocco is provided. This includes subsequent economic effects both in Morocco and Europe, with details in relation to the development and decline of the sugar industry, the introduction of slavery to Morocco as well as worldwide economic influences. The latter also demonstrates that sugar has been attributed power which is exerted not only within Berber culture from birth to death, but has had an influence throughout social and economic history since the introduction of the Qu’ran to the present day. An argument is developed which suggests that the presence of apparent discrimination and inequalities have arisen partly from a pure desire for sugar. Some long lasting health and environmental effects of processing sugar are outlined and discussed in relation to the health of Rif Berber. This includes a general outline of societal inequalities between genders in health care, including diseases such as diabetes. Tuberculosis along with diabetes, are discussed in order to show that they are social markers which reinforce various power structures within Moroccan communities. The emergence of slavery, land use, and the effects of the rise and subsequent decline of the sugar industry in Morocco are covered. Examples are given of how power shifted from those initially in authority to individuals at local level who complied with certain social norms and beliefs. This closely relates to the importance of sugar in Morocco, its relevance as an introduced crop along with the subsequent social, national and international changes which occurred and to a large extent remain firmly in place today. The long-lasting environmental impacts of the sugar industry represent both direct and indirect power struggles which are unlikely to be remedied without international intervention.