<p>Negative partisanship, which stems from negative affect towards an opposing party, exerts influence on evaluations of democratic performance (see Ridge 2020; Spoon and Kanthak 2019), but we still need to add more pieces to the puzzle of negative partisanship. To contribute to this literature, I examine negative partisans against another group with similar parameters on the negative side of the spectrum. I argue that our partisanship is not unidimensional, negative positions could exist beyond one party, and we could be negatively inclined to more than one party. </p> <p>The experience of democracies is used as a baseline to analyze the systemic effects on satisfaction with democracy over both types of partisans. First, social identities are explored to establish the foundation of the proposed partisans. Findings showed that negative partisans are affected by two motivators: marginalization and a threat to the status quo. In some cases, clear trends were uncovered regardless of the status of democracy, and some others diverged by context and became clearer when democratic settings were explored. Evidence also showed that the regime’s status as consolidated or young democracy plays an important role when negative partisans ponder how their democracy is performing. Finally, when emotional piling happens, satisfaction with democracy is affected negatively due to vulnerability to frustration. </p> <p>The background of the regime is another piece that differentiates negative partisans because democracies built on ideological post-communist regimes are not the same as a background of one-party rule or a military regime. Findings showed that institutional pacts from these regimes through authoritarian successor parties are not as negative in the effects from parties that are the product of the new regime. Also, satisfaction over time certainly makes negative partisans more comfortable with democracies, regardless of the setbacks and even how polarized the systems are. Moreover, systemic elements affect negative partisans’ perception of democracy’s performance through compensatory and non-compensatory mechanisms. Negative partisans behave differently not only in different democratic settings but also when they are following the rules to elect representatives. They are affected more negatively in their satisfaction when their partisanship is stronger or without the influence of a party. This context is exacerbated when the electoral design or system has dynamics that incentivize rivalry compared to “include all” or mixed designs. This study adds elements to the literature of negative partisanship and opens new lines to examine negative partisans worldwide. </p>

<p dir="ltr"> How does the experience of political violence by members of the host community influence attitudes towards refugees? I draw on theories from social psychology and comparative politics to demonstrate the impact of political violence on preferences for migrants. Specifically, I shed light on how an individual's past experience with civil war shapes their attitudes towards refugees. Existing work suggests that exposure to conflict will lead to prosocial behavior. I test my argument using a conjoint experiment embedded in a survey where I ask respondents to evaluate three pairs of refugee profiles, including their reasons for migration. Respondents then decide which of those profiles should be granted refugee status based on the attributes presented. My analysis shows that those exposed to civil war are more prosocial and show a much higher support for refugees in comparison to those who were not exposed to conflict. However, contrary to the expectations set by post-traumatic growth theory that those with a similar experience as refugees will show a higher preference for those refugees with whom they share an experience, I do not find that individuals exposed to civil war show a significant preference for refugees fleeing conflict over other category of migrants. These results ask us to question the implication of different refugee categorizations on attitudes and behavior towards migrants. Although relevant for public policy and resource distribution, for the ordinary person, migrant categories might not much of an effect, especially if all migrants are perceived to be the same. Furthermore, these results inform policy approaches for reducing prejudice, increasing prosocial behavior towards refugees and promoting social cohesion.</p>

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This is a study assessing the democratic rhetoric from authoritarian rulers. It does so as part of a larger comparative politics effort appraising the state of democracy in the world as well as part of area studies’ interest in better understanding the politics of individual states, in this case, Thailand. Scholars’ current method of analyzing the democratic rhetoric of authoritarians seems to swing somewhere between skepticism and dismissiveness. Although a reasonable response to the evident hypocrisy between deed and word, this thesis proceeds in the belief that social science can offer more than cynicism.<div><br></div><div>Methodologically, the chapters employ conceptual analysis to study concepts as they are diffused, borrowed, stretched, or otherwise contested. It considers as data the occurrence of the words “elections,” “rights,” “freedom,” “liberty,” “the people,” as well as others, but most notably “democracy.” Parts of this work are historical and descriptive, detailing the incidents and contexts of democratic rhetoric in authoritarian systems. Other parts are prescriptive, proposing a method by which to assess the democratic words of dictators. Case studies on particular periods of authoritarian rule in Thailand demonstrate what can be learned with the various methods.<br></div><div><br></div><div>One of the primary objectives of this study is to persuade readers that authoritarians’ democratic rhetoric is worth studying. A second objective is to convince readers of the utility of using the etymological definition of democracy as “the people rule” for assessing democratic rhetoric. Finally, the study aims to expose and develop the image of democracy in authoritarian Thailand. The central argument of this work is that democratic rhetoric in authoritarian systems is evidence of an ideology challenging Western, liberal democracy from within and that the failure to recognize this impairs both international and domestic democracy promotion efforts.<br></div>

<p dir="ltr">In this project, I explore the ways through which legislators can influence national elections in a two-party dominant political system. I find that because of the peculiar roles legislators play in new democracies, they are easily endeared to voters and their popularity can sometimes transfer to their co-partisan presidential candidates. </p>

This dissertation analyzes the adoption of neoliberal economic policies in the wake of two shocks, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Color Revolutions. I look at whether policy choices in the aftermath of massive political change significantly constrain future economic policy. Two arguments have attempted to explain post-Soviet economic reform, one arguing that initial elections largely determined economic reform, and another arguing that even the results of initial elections were conditioned by a state's neighbors and diffusion. In the first chapter I test these arguments, using regression analysis to update and reanalyze determinants of economic reform in post-Soviet Eurasia. My results indicate that initial elections may have been influential in the short term, but their influence is indirect. Instead, the Soviet collapse created an opening for the establishment of patronage dynamics, and it is these dynamics that largely determine the timing of economic reform. I then use three cases to illustrate why early evaluations of post-Soviet economic reforms need revision. Analysis of Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan after each shock demonstrates that elites and political institutions are important determinants of reforms, and there is significant variation in neoliberal policy adoption that previous arguments do not explain. I find that economic policy mirrors political cycles of patronalism in these countries and the effects of shocks on policy are not straightforward. When economic reform does occur, it is often an instrument used to advance other political goals.

<p>This dissertation identifies an important strategy the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses to manage crisis events online: the entertainment-oriented narrative. It appears in three forms: (1) likening the reality to an unreal TV show or a fictional scene; (2) using cute emojis and anthropomorphism to represent crisis-related concepts; and (3) framing the country as a pop star (idol) and encourage citizens to defend it regardless. The CCP uses these tactics to trivialize the importance of crises, deflect public criticism, and discourage the public from critical thinking. Case studies show that this strategy has become a regular practice of the government that worked effectively when the crises do not seriously and massively affect local citizens' lives.</p>