What explains the dynamics of contentious collective political action in post-Soviet Central Asia? How do post-Soviet Central Asian citizens negotiate the tensions between partaking in and abstaining from elite-challenging collective protests? By analysing cross-national attitudes in two Central Asian states, this article (1) systematically analyses the variation in collective protests by testing rival macro-, meso-, and micro-level theories; (2) reintroduces a conceptual and empirical distinction between low-risk and high-risk collective protests; and (3) examines the conditions under which individuals participate in two distinct types of elite-challenging collective actions. Three conclusions are reached. First, the evidence suggests that nuanced consideration of multi-level theoretical perspectives is necessary to explain contingencies of elite-challenging actions. Second, economic grievances and resource mobilization emerge as leading factors driving both low-risk and high-risk protests. Third, Islamic religiosity and social networking robustly predict participation in high-risk collective action.

Maternal mortality in Kyrgyzstan is a discrimination of women not only based on sex, but also on rural/urban setting. Rural women are most likely to die of haemorrhage than urban women in Kyrgyzstan. Postpartum haemorrhage constitutes 45 per cent of all maternal deaths in Kyrgyzstan. This work concentrates on the obligations of Kyrgyzstan under articles 12 and 14.b of the Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The work analyses the nature and scope of state obligations under respective articles. Kyrgyzstan has obligations to respect, protect and fulfill rural women’s human rights to address discriminations against rural women, provide appropriate health services and ensure availability and accessibility of misoprostol to rural women. Misoprostol is more suitable to the conditions of rural area than traditionally used oxytocin. Therefore, the availability and accessibility of rural women to misoprostol will prevent avoidable maternal deaths in haemorrhage.

Maternal mortality in Kyrgyzstan is a discrimination of women not only based on sex, but also on rural/urban setting. Rural women are most likely to die of haemorrhage than urban women in Kyrgyzstan. Postpartum haemorrhage constitutes 45 per cent of all maternal deaths in Kyrgyzstan. This work concentrates on the obligations of Kyrgyzstan under articles 12 and 14.b of the Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The work analyses the nature and scope of state obligations under respective articles. Kyrgyzstan has obligations to respect, protect and fulfill rural women’s human rights to address discriminations against rural women, provide appropriate health services and ensure availability and accessibility of misoprostol to rural women. Misoprostol is more suitable to the conditions of rural area than traditionally used oxytocin. Therefore, the availability and accessibility of rural women to misoprostol will prevent avoidable maternal deaths in haemorrhage.

The present Master's thesis seeks to evaluate a business plan of Start-up Company in apparel industry. The purpose of the paper is to determine the acceptability of an introduced project. As a starting point, the theoretical part elaborates indispensable principles of the business plan providing the fundamentals for further work. Since the project is taking place in another country, the second part describes its macro-environmental factors including the analysis of essential aspects of apparel industry. Finally, the last part provides the concrete business plan, the results of which adduce a possible acceptance of the project.

This dissertation analyzes the adoption of neoliberal economic policies in the wake of two shocks, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Color Revolutions. I look at whether policy choices in the aftermath of massive political change significantly constrain future economic policy. Two arguments have attempted to explain post-Soviet economic reform, one arguing that initial elections largely determined economic reform, and another arguing that even the results of initial elections were conditioned by a state's neighbors and diffusion. In the first chapter I test these arguments, using regression analysis to update and reanalyze determinants of economic reform in post-Soviet Eurasia. My results indicate that initial elections may have been influential in the short term, but their influence is indirect. Instead, the Soviet collapse created an opening for the establishment of patronage dynamics, and it is these dynamics that largely determine the timing of economic reform. I then use three cases to illustrate why early evaluations of post-Soviet economic reforms need revision. Analysis of Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan after each shock demonstrates that elites and political institutions are important determinants of reforms, and there is significant variation in neoliberal policy adoption that previous arguments do not explain. I find that economic policy mirrors political cycles of patronalism in these countries and the effects of shocks on policy are not straightforward. When economic reform does occur, it is often an instrument used to advance other political goals.