This thesis presents a study of a construction which I refer to as Verb-Stranding VP Ellipsis. The construction is studied here, specifically, in two distinct senses. First, in chapter two, diagnostics are proposed by which the VP Ellipsis ("VPE") construction can be identified—irrespective of whether the main verb involved is null or overt. It is proposed that these diagnostics can be used to rule out the possibility that the data at issue are cases of other types of null anaphora, such as null arguments, Stripping, Gapping, and Null Complement Anaphora. It emerges from this section of the thesis that Modern Hebrew, Modern Irish, and Swahili have V-Stranding VPE data which form a natural class with English's Aux-Stranding VPE, while Japanese, Korean, Italian, and Spanish do not. The second focus is the question of how V-Stranding VPE should be generated. Chapters 3 and 4 argue in favor of an analysis involving PF Deletion of a VP out of which the main verb has raised, and against an LF Copying treatment. These arguments, in part, involve the Verbal Identity Requirement on VP Ellipsis, a novel generalization involving strict identity in root and derivational morphology between the antecedent- and target clause main Vs of the construction. Within the previously known requirement that elided phrases express semantically Given information, I argue that this generalization results from the fact that the head of an elided phrase must itself express Given information—whether or not the head surfaces as phonologically null. / Dans cette étude, on considère en detail une construction que j'appelle « L'élision d'une expression verbale sans l'élision du verbe principal » (anglais « V-Stranding VP Ellipsis »). Cette construction est étudiée ici, spécifiquement, dans deux sens distincts. Dans le chapitre 2, on propose des diagnostics grace auxquels on peut identifier la construction « élision d'une expression verbale » (« EEV », anglais « VP Ellipsis »), que le verbe principal dans l'expression verbale soit manifeste ou élidé. On soutient que ces diagnostics peuvent être utilisés pour éliminer la possibilité que les données pertinentes soient des exemples d'autres types d'anaphore nulle, tels que argument du verbe nul, le « Stripping », le « Gapping », et le « Null Complement Anaphora ». Ainsi, on propose dans cette section que l'EEV sans l'élision du verbe dans les grammaires de l'hebreu, de l'irlaindais et du swahili forme une classe naturelle avec l'EEV avec l'élision du verbe en anglais. On soutient aussi que cette construction n'existent pas en japonais, en coréen, en espagnol, ou en italienne. Ensuite, on considère la question de comment génerer les exemples d'EEV sans l'élision du verbe. Dans les chapitres 3 et 4, on propose une analyse qui utilise la suppression d'une expression verbale au niveau de la Forme Phonologique (« la suppression FP », anglais « PF Deletion ») aprês le placement du verbe principal a une position en dehors de l'expression verbale, et on presente une explication de la raison pour laquelle une analyse qui utilise des copies de la Forme Logique (« copie FL », anglais « LF Copying ») n'est pas viable. Ceci implique, en partie, la Condition d'Identite Verbale, une généralisation proposé ici pour la premiêre fois, impliquant une identité stricte de la racine et dans la morphologie dérivationnelle entre les verbes principaux des propositions antécedentes et des propositions ciblés. Dans le cadre de la condition connue selon laquelle les syntagmes élidés expriment une information sémantique donnée (anglais « Given »), j e soutiens que la condition d'identité verbale resulte du fait que la tete d'un syntagme élidé doit elle-meme exprimer l'information donnée sémantiquement—que la téte soit phonologiquement manifeste ou nulle.

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This thesis investigates a type of infinitival complement previously analyzed as a relative clause construction. The unique properties of this construction, namely, a Specificity Effect on the logical object of the embedded verb and a semantic restriction on the matrix verb, stem from the syntactic structure of the complement. The complement's T (Tense) node is specified [-Tense]. A T that is specified [-Tense] fails to select an Asp (Aspect) projection. The lack of an AspP projection has significant consequences: The embedded verb cannot assign an external theta role and accusative Case cannot be checked. / The distinction of infinitival complements on the basis of their Tense specification will be shown to account for a difference in behaviour with respect to VP-deletion, temporal interpretation and the licensing of PRO. Furthermore, the arguments and evidence presented suggest that the functional projection responsible for checking accusative Case features is AspP, not AGRoP.

Even though there has been little agreement as to how the phenomenon of serialization is to be defined, it is generally assumed (i) that there is a close meaning dependency (of some kind) between the event descriptions serialized (serials hereafter), (ii) that the serials cannot be modified independently by such sentential operators as tense, aspect, mood, etc., and (iii) that these aspects of serialization are closely related to the fact that a serial construction refers to a `single event'.However, these assumptions have not been materialized into an explicit analysis of serialization. In particular, it has not been clearly accounted for how the concept of single event is attributed to the meaning dependencies between serials that are apparently so diverse as to defy a unique semantic characterization. Thus, in previous studies, the apparent heterogeneity of meaning dependencies has led to `fragmentation' of serialization into coordinating and subordinating types, and of the subordinating type, in turn, into a variety of lexically governed subtypes.This dissertation argues against such fragmentation and provides a unified semantic analysis of serialization, drawing on the philosophical discussions of event individuation and causation. Under my analysis, the sense of inseparable connection between serials is represented by a counterfactual dependency between them. The counterfactual dependency only entails that the first serial is necessarily related to the second, without specifying the nature of the necessary relatedness. Thus, the variety of meaning dependencies observed in the literature can be accommodated as particular instances of the counterfactual dependency.Moreover, the single event reading of serialization is attributed to the `counterfactual' dependency between serials: in virtue of the dependency, the serials are not identified independently of each other, and hence are construed as constituting a single event unit. A variety of structural constraints on serialization observed in the literature are then analyzed as natural consequences of the conceptual unity of the serialized events as a whole. / Department of English

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Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2000. Graduate Programme in French Studies. / Typescript. Title on thesis acceptance page: La deicticite de l'adjectif démonstratif : cadrage de la problèmatique. Includes bibliographical references (leaves109-113). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ56196

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of English, 1989. / This thesis is a study of the grammatical theories of Viggo Brøondal ; the central part of the thesis consists of an English translation of his Morfologi og syntax (1932). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 386-416).

Univ., Diss.--Berkeley, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [260] - 275) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1992. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [187]-190).