<p>Negative partisanship, which stems from negative affect towards an opposing party, exerts influence on evaluations of democratic performance (see Ridge 2020; Spoon and Kanthak 2019), but we still need to add more pieces to the puzzle of negative partisanship. To contribute to this literature, I examine negative partisans against another group with similar parameters on the negative side of the spectrum. I argue that our partisanship is not unidimensional, negative positions could exist beyond one party, and we could be negatively inclined to more than one party. </p> <p>The experience of democracies is used as a baseline to analyze the systemic effects on satisfaction with democracy over both types of partisans. First, social identities are explored to establish the foundation of the proposed partisans. Findings showed that negative partisans are affected by two motivators: marginalization and a threat to the status quo. In some cases, clear trends were uncovered regardless of the status of democracy, and some others diverged by context and became clearer when democratic settings were explored. Evidence also showed that the regime’s status as consolidated or young democracy plays an important role when negative partisans ponder how their democracy is performing. Finally, when emotional piling happens, satisfaction with democracy is affected negatively due to vulnerability to frustration. </p> <p>The background of the regime is another piece that differentiates negative partisans because democracies built on ideological post-communist regimes are not the same as a background of one-party rule or a military regime. Findings showed that institutional pacts from these regimes through authoritarian successor parties are not as negative in the effects from parties that are the product of the new regime. Also, satisfaction over time certainly makes negative partisans more comfortable with democracies, regardless of the setbacks and even how polarized the systems are. Moreover, systemic elements affect negative partisans’ perception of democracy’s performance through compensatory and non-compensatory mechanisms. Negative partisans behave differently not only in different democratic settings but also when they are following the rules to elect representatives. They are affected more negatively in their satisfaction when their partisanship is stronger or without the influence of a party. This context is exacerbated when the electoral design or system has dynamics that incentivize rivalry compared to “include all” or mixed designs. This study adds elements to the literature of negative partisanship and opens new lines to examine negative partisans worldwide. </p>

<p dir="ltr"> How does the experience of political violence by members of the host community influence attitudes towards refugees? I draw on theories from social psychology and comparative politics to demonstrate the impact of political violence on preferences for migrants. Specifically, I shed light on how an individual's past experience with civil war shapes their attitudes towards refugees. Existing work suggests that exposure to conflict will lead to prosocial behavior. I test my argument using a conjoint experiment embedded in a survey where I ask respondents to evaluate three pairs of refugee profiles, including their reasons for migration. Respondents then decide which of those profiles should be granted refugee status based on the attributes presented. My analysis shows that those exposed to civil war are more prosocial and show a much higher support for refugees in comparison to those who were not exposed to conflict. However, contrary to the expectations set by post-traumatic growth theory that those with a similar experience as refugees will show a higher preference for those refugees with whom they share an experience, I do not find that individuals exposed to civil war show a significant preference for refugees fleeing conflict over other category of migrants. These results ask us to question the implication of different refugee categorizations on attitudes and behavior towards migrants. Although relevant for public policy and resource distribution, for the ordinary person, migrant categories might not much of an effect, especially if all migrants are perceived to be the same. Furthermore, these results inform policy approaches for reducing prejudice, increasing prosocial behavior towards refugees and promoting social cohesion.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 112-124).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-259). Also available on the Internet.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of St Andrews, May 2007. / Restricted until 13th May 2008.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Princeton University, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 316-335).