Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2010. / Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-223).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Political Science Department. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of Political Science, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 200-215).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-259). Also available on the Internet.

This is a study assessing the democratic rhetoric from authoritarian rulers. It does so as part of a larger comparative politics effort appraising the state of democracy in the world as well as part of area studies’ interest in better understanding the politics of individual states, in this case, Thailand. Scholars’ current method of analyzing the democratic rhetoric of authoritarians seems to swing somewhere between skepticism and dismissiveness. Although a reasonable response to the evident hypocrisy between deed and word, this thesis proceeds in the belief that social science can offer more than cynicism.<div><br></div><div>Methodologically, the chapters employ conceptual analysis to study concepts as they are diffused, borrowed, stretched, or otherwise contested. It considers as data the occurrence of the words “elections,” “rights,” “freedom,” “liberty,” “the people,” as well as others, but most notably “democracy.” Parts of this work are historical and descriptive, detailing the incidents and contexts of democratic rhetoric in authoritarian systems. Other parts are prescriptive, proposing a method by which to assess the democratic words of dictators. Case studies on particular periods of authoritarian rule in Thailand demonstrate what can be learned with the various methods.<br></div><div><br></div><div>One of the primary objectives of this study is to persuade readers that authoritarians’ democratic rhetoric is worth studying. A second objective is to convince readers of the utility of using the etymological definition of democracy as “the people rule” for assessing democratic rhetoric. Finally, the study aims to expose and develop the image of democracy in authoritarian Thailand. The central argument of this work is that democratic rhetoric in authoritarian systems is evidence of an ideology challenging Western, liberal democracy from within and that the failure to recognize this impairs both international and domestic democracy promotion efforts.<br></div>

West Germany's political culture has been intensively studied during the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany. However, most studies explore The West German Political Culture as a whole. They do not take into account that Germany is a country which consists of different regions with their own history and tradition. This paper is essentially an effort to rectify this situation by attempting to determine if there are any distinguishable political subcultures in Germany. The assumption is, that historical, phenomena are important in explaining the present political culture of West Germany. In order to determine whether the historical development of West German political culture led to different present political subcultures two approaches were used. First, a qualitative approach; that is a socio-historical library-based analysis, was used. From this analysis propositions for the present West German political subcultures were derived. They were tested with an empirical analysis of survey data from a 1975 sample of West Germans. Suggestions based on the socio-historical analysis accounting for differences in contemporary political culture only partly hold true in the empirical analysis. This paper is a preliminary examination of West German political subcultures offering suggestions and direction for future research. / Master of Arts

The goal of this research was to determine whether governance varied among institutions of higher education in the U.S. and how this Variation was related to the size of the institution, the nature of its charter, and a measure of its quality. The proposed model identified four governance types based on the dichotomization of faculty and administrative power. Relationships were hypothesized between governance type and three predictors: size, charter, and institutional quality. Data were gathered by telephone interviews, inquiries to organizations, and document analyses for 40 comprehensive colleges and universities. A three-way (2x2x2) ANOVA revealed no significant (alpha = .05) differences in relative faculty-administrative power when the institutions were categorized by size, charter, and quality, nor were any of the interactions among size, charter, and quality significant (alpha = .05). The chi-square statistic was used to compare the number of correct predictions to the number expected by chance. The chi-square was not significant at alpha = .05. The model was revised using the difference between faculty and administrative power to redefine governance type. The number of correct predictions increased, but the chi-square was still not significant at an alpha of .05. / Ed. D.

This dissertation analyzes the adoption of neoliberal economic policies in the wake of two shocks, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Color Revolutions. I look at whether policy choices in the aftermath of massive political change significantly constrain future economic policy. Two arguments have attempted to explain post-Soviet economic reform, one arguing that initial elections largely determined economic reform, and another arguing that even the results of initial elections were conditioned by a state's neighbors and diffusion. In the first chapter I test these arguments, using regression analysis to update and reanalyze determinants of economic reform in post-Soviet Eurasia. My results indicate that initial elections may have been influential in the short term, but their influence is indirect. Instead, the Soviet collapse created an opening for the establishment of patronage dynamics, and it is these dynamics that largely determine the timing of economic reform. I then use three cases to illustrate why early evaluations of post-Soviet economic reforms need revision. Analysis of Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan after each shock demonstrates that elites and political institutions are important determinants of reforms, and there is significant variation in neoliberal policy adoption that previous arguments do not explain. I find that economic policy mirrors political cycles of patronalism in these countries and the effects of shocks on policy are not straightforward. When economic reform does occur, it is often an instrument used to advance other political goals.

<p>This dissertation identifies an important strategy the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses to manage crisis events online: the entertainment-oriented narrative. It appears in three forms: (1) likening the reality to an unreal TV show or a fictional scene; (2) using cute emojis and anthropomorphism to represent crisis-related concepts; and (3) framing the country as a pop star (idol) and encourage citizens to defend it regardless. The CCP uses these tactics to trivialize the importance of crises, deflect public criticism, and discourage the public from critical thinking. Case studies show that this strategy has become a regular practice of the government that worked effectively when the crises do not seriously and massively affect local citizens' lives.</p>

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / How much emphasis is afforded to the role of soft power has significant implications for the study of hegemony and predictions regarding the future of US hegemony and the rise of China as a hegemon. The fact that much mainstream work (particularly neorealism) continues to neglect the role of soft power in international relations is seen as a disturbing shortcoming. This study wishes to address this perceived shortcoming by exploring the role of ‘soft power’ as an integral non-material aspect of hegemony by focusing on the perspectives of selected authors (Cox, Nye, Waltz, Keohane), and applying them to the cases of the United States of America and China. It is contended that there is a need for a shift of emphasis in International Relations (IR)- away from the hard power centric analysis towards a ‘soft power’ analysis that focuses on ideas. This study further argues that recognising the importance of the role of ‘soft power’ will result in a more effective analysis and understanding of hegemony in the international system. This is not to disregard ‘hard power’ as an aspect of hegemony, but rather to emphasise ‘soft power’ as it is often neglected or underscored by scholars in their analysis of hegemony and power structures within international relations. The United States of America is a prime example of how ‘soft power’ can help a state to prevent decline through consensus and alliance formation. The Chinese on the other hand have become increasingly aware of the importance of soft power– whilst the US have recently neglected it as a sustaining capability for hegemony. Thus China is growing and nurturing its ‘soft power’ capabilities in order to create an image of a benevolent super power, whilst the US is increasingly being perceived as malevolent- which is not conducive to hegemony in the international system. It is argued that if the Chinese can attain ideological dominance within the global structure, they could become the new hegemon.