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No. of bitstreams: 1 orlandolyradecarvalhojunior.pdf: 4756088 bytes, checksum: 9ffc0c10be638db05d143d7f193b1dbd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Objetivo: Este trabalho baseia-se em uma pesquisa de campo realizada com deputados brasileiros e alemães e visa comparar estratégias de comunicação e comportamento eleitoral nos dois países. A hipótese de trabalho é que as estratégias de comunicação de parlamentares variam de acordo com o padrão de votação, o tipo de voto e as conexões eleitorais. Metodologia: entrevistas semiabertas e fechadas foram conduzidos para avaliar as percepções e práticas de parlamentares do Brasil e da Alemanha como um exercício inicial para explora a relação entre visibilidade na mídia e carreiras eleitorais. O desenho da pesquisa utilizou uma amostra de saturação que proporcionou um número suficiente de inquiridos para análise. Foram estabelecidas correlações estatísticas (tabulação-cruzada, logit e FA) entre as respostas e as variáveis concentração de votos, tipo de candidatura, magnitude do distrito e nível de competitividade. Resultados: A pesquisa comparou um país altamente desenvolvido (Alemanha) com um em desenvolvimento (Brasil) que apresenta um grande déficit em infraestrutura. No entanto, o estudo constatou semelhanças entre tipos de políticos que usam os meios de comunicação de massa, no nível nacional e regional, para se comunicar com os seus eleitores, trabalham em comitês e fazem discursos em plenário, mas cujas atividades parlamentares não estão principalmente voltadas a trazer benefícios e a atender os interesses locais dos distritos onde foram eleitos. A pesquisa também descobriu um tipo de político que usa intensamente a mídia eletrônica e impressa regional, e cujas atividades estão focadas principalmente no fornecimento de serviços e vantagens a seus distritos eleitorais. Quanto à política on-line, a pesquisa constatou que a Internet não é vista como decisiva na arena política: ela é usada em ambos os países como uma alternativa complementar aos meios de comunicação de massa, e como uma estratégia adotada principalmente por deputados que pertencem a partidos pequenos e com poucos recursos. Parlamentares filiados a grandes partidos tendem a utilizar a Internet principalmente para afirmar certa independência face às burocracias partidárias. No Brasil, a estratégia de Internet não é vista como principal meio de comunicação com os eleitores, mas com outras elites políticas. Como instrumento de comunicação política, a pesquisa descobriu que a Internet é usada pelos políticos brasileiros e alemães de diferentes formas e para diferentes fins. Não se constatou o uso da Internet como uma força de globalização, ou seja, com uma tecnologia que produz um uso pasteurizado e inelutável em todo o mundo. Em vez disso, a Internet é usada em contextos locais para atender interesses locais. Conclusão: Os dados coletados na pesquisa de campo confirmaram parcialmente a hipótese que sugere uma associação entre as variáveis concentração de votos, magnitude distrital e nível de competitividade com os diferentes níveis de preocupação com a presença nos meios de comunicação e com a construção de uma boa reputação política. Na Alemanha, o sistema misto gera incentivos para candidatos adotarem estratégias de campanha diferentes, dependendo do tipo de voto (majoritário ou proporcional). Esses incentivos definem a estrutura da concorrência a nível distrital e as estratégias de comunicação dos políticos. Os aspectos multifacetados das conexões eleitorais se revelaram capazes de compensar a ausência de uma cobertura adequada na mídia de massa, podendo até coroar de sucesso as carreiras eleitorais de candidatos a cargos proporcionais no Brasil e na Alemanha. / Objective: This dissertation draws upon field research conducted with Brazilian and German members of parliament. It aims to compare communication strategies and electoral behavior in both countries. The working hypothesis is that the communication strategies of members of parliament vary with the voting pattern, the type of vote and the electoral connections. Methodology: semi-open and closed interviews were conducted to assess the perceptions and practices of parliamentarians of both countries as an initial exercise in exploring the relationship between media visibility and parliamentary careers. The research design draws upon a saturation sample to provide a sufficient number of respondents for analysis. Statistical correlations (cross-tabulation, logit and FA) between the responses to the survey and the independent variables concentration and type of votes, magnitude and competitiveness were established. Results: The research compares a developed country (Germany) with a very good infrastructure, and a developing country (Brazil) with a great deficit in infrastructure. Yet, the study found similar stablished politicians, who uses national and regional media to communicate with voters, works in committees, deliver speeches at the House’s floor, whose activities are not primarily related to district interests. The research also found a type of politician who heavily uses the local broadcasting and print media, whose activities are primarily focused on delivering services and pork to constituencies. As for the online politics, the research found that the Internet is not seen as a "game-changer": it is used in both countries as a complementary alternative to the mass media, and as a strategy adopted mostly by MPs who belong to small parties with few resources. Big-party MPs uses the Internet mostly to gain some independence from the party bureaucracy. In Brazil, the Internet is not seen as a valuable means of communication with voters, but with other political elites. As an instrument of political communication, the research found that the Internet is used by Brazilian and German politicians in different ways and for different purposes. It emerged not as a globalizing force, i.e., with a technological power to produce a pasteurized and ineluctable usage all across the globe. Instead, the Internet is used in local contexts to suit local interests. Conclusion: The field research partially confirmed the hypotheses that suggest an association between the variables concentration of votes, district magnitude and level of competitiveness with different levels of concern on positive coverage in the mass media, and on the construction of a good political reputation. In Germany, the mixed electoral system generates incentives for candidates to adopt different campaign strategies, depending on the type of vote (majority or proportional). These incentives shape the structure of competition at the district level, and the MPs’ communication strategies. The multifaceted aspects of the electoral connection proved to compensate for the absence of adequate coverage in the mass media, and may even crown with success the election of candidates for proportional seats in Brazil and Germany.

Research into the European Union (EU) increasingly focuses on the policy-making processes which take place within the EU, as distinct from trying to explain or predict the broad phenomenon of European integration. This thesis adopts a similar focus on EU policy-making. Policy-making in the EU is examined using a policy network approach. The main aim of the thesis is to assess how useful the policy network approach is as a means of explaining EU policy processes and policy outputs. The policy network approach is therefore applied not simply as a mechanism for describing patterns of interest intermediation but, rather, as a tool for explaining a new form of network governance in the EU. The thesis therefore aims to test the claims of the policy network literature that it can better account for policy-making in the EU than can more traditional approaches derived either from international relations (IR) or comparative politics (CP). The thesis applies a policy network approach to the study of EU environmental policy-making. Three case studies - on air quality, landfill and drinking water legislation - are examined, in order to assess whether a policy network approach can help explain the development of EU policy in these areas. Overall the thesis finds a useful role for policy network analysis in helping to explain EU policymaking and policy outputs. At the same time, however, the thesis confirms the limitations of the policy network approach at EU-level. Policy network analysis must therefore be combined with both IR and CP approaches in order to gain a fuller understanding of how EU policy is made.

After the onset of the Syrian civil conflict, over one million refugees and asylum seekers landed on Greece’s shores, and were met with chaotic asylum processing, uncoordinated non-governmental organizations, and generally debilitating discordance among all actors responsible for service provisions. (UNHCR, n.d.) Despite a long history of an obligation to burden sharing, the European Union failed to implement cross-regional policies to support Greece. And despite building policies to expedite immigration processing, the SYRIZA-led government in Greece failed to implement substantive improvement to the migratory pathway. Finally, this mismanagement is fatal, and has resulted in migrant isolation, entrapment, and in the worse cases, death. This research seeks to identify the causes of the persistence of this painful mismanagement of the humanitarian crisis, especially within camps, in Greece. To answer this question, this research will look at two common explanations for the mismanagement of camps: those that blame the Greek federal government and those that blame the European Union. Ultimately, however, this research will argue that it is the relationship between both the Greek state and the EU, marked by tension and discordance, which makes the problem of mismanagement of the crisis so persistent.

Little is known about the effects of transitional justice on the development of the rule of law in post-conflict states. There are assumptions in the literature that the prosecution of those responsible for human rights violations or convening a truth commission will help improve the rule of law. Using a mixed-method approach, which combined statistical analysis with in-country fieldwork, this investigation found that the impact of transitional justice, particularly trials, on the development of the rule of law is minimal and not automatic. In each of the four states examined, Colombia, Peru, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, meaningful effects from transitional justice were blocked by powerful post-conflict inhibiters, including a lack of state capacity, ethnicity and corruption. These findings indicate that prior assumptions about the relationship between transitional justice and the rule of law are overstated, and they point to the need for policymakers to simultaneously address these and other inhibiters while implementing transitional mechanisms.

Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin retards state economic growth and development, undermines government legitimacy, and threatens state security. In spite of recent anti-corruption efforts of intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations (IGO/NGOs), Caribbean political corruption problems appear to be worsening in the post-Cold War period. This dissertation discovers why IGO/NGO efforts to arrest corruption are failing by investigating the domestic and international causes of political corruption in the Caribbean. The dissertation’s theoretical framework centers on an interdisciplinary model of the causes of political corruption built within the rule-oriented constructivist approach to social science. The model first employs a rational choice analysis that broadly explains the varying levels of political corruption found across the region. The constructivist theory of social rules is then used to develop the structural mechanisms that further explain the region’s levels of political corruption. The dissertation advances its theory of the causes of political corruption through qualitative disciplined-configurative case studies of political corruption in Jamaica and Costa Rica. The dissertation finds that IGO/NGO sponsored anti-corruption programs are failing because they employ only technical measures (issuing anti-corruption laws and regulations, providing transparency in accounting procedures, improving freedom of the press, establishing electoral reforms, etc.). While these IGO/NGO technical measures are necessary, they are not sufficient to arrest the Caribbean’s political corruption problems. This dissertation concludes that to be successful, IGO/NGO anti-corruption programs must also include social measures, e.g., building civil societies and modernizing political cultures, for there to be any hope of lowering political corruption levels and improving Caribbean social conditions. The dissertation also highlights the key role of Caribbean governing elite in constructing the political and economic structures that cause their states’ political corruption problems.

The two decades preceding the global financial crisis of 2008 saw an increase in international migration flows. This development was accompanied by the relaxation of immigration entry controls for select categories of foreign workers across the developed world. The scale of labour immigration, and the categories of foreign workers granted entry, varied considerably across states. To some extent, these developments transcended the traditional classifications of comparative immigration politics. This thesis examines the reform process in two states with contrasting policy legacies that adopted liberal labour immigration selection and control policies during the abovementioned period. The instrumental role that immigration has played in the process of nation-building in Australia has led it to be classified as a 'traditional destination state' with a positive immigration policy legacy. By contrast, immigration has not been significant in the formation of national identity in the United Kingdom. It has a more negative immigration policy legacy and is generally regarded as a 'reluctant state'. Examining the reasons for liberal shifts in labour immigration policy in two states with different immigration politics allows insights to be gained into the processes of policy-making and the dynamics that underpin it. In Australia, labour immigration controls were relaxed incrementally and through a deliberative process. Reform was justified on the grounds that it fulfilled economic needs and objectives, and was consistent with an accepted definition of the national interest. In the UK, liberal shifts in labour immigration policy were the incidental consequence of the pursuit of objectives in other policy areas. Reform was implemented unilaterally, and in an uncoordinated manner characterised by an absence of consultation. The contrast in the manner in which reform was managed by the various actors, institutions and stakeholders involved in the process both reflected, and served to reinforce, the immigration policy legacies of the two states. Moreover, the Howard government used Australia's positive legacy to construct a coherent narrative to justify the implementation of liberal reform. This generated greater immediate and lasting support for its reforms among stakeholders and the broader community. By contrast, lacking a similarly positive legacy, the Blair government in the UK found it difficult to create such a narrative, which contributed to the unpopularity of its reforms. This thesis therefore argues that policy legacies had a significant impact on the processes and dynamics that shaped labour immigration selection and control decisions during the recent wave of international migration. The cases demonstrate that a nation's past immigration policy experiences shape its policy-making structures, as well as institutional and stakeholder policy preferences, which are core constituent components of a nation's immigration politics. The UK case shows that even when reluctant states implement liberal labour immigration policies, these characteristics tend to create feedback effects that make it difficult for reform to be durable. The relationship between immigration policy and politics thus becomes self-reinforcing. But this does not necessarily mean that states' immigration politics are rigid, since the institutions that help to make a nation's immigration policy and shape its politics will inevitably undergo a process of adaptation in response to changing contexts.

In an inquiry into national behavior, students of international relations treat national data as independent variables. Students of comparative politics treat them as dependent variables in an attempt to compute foreign policy outputs. There is reason to believe that international and comparative studies can be incorporated into a system of linkage politics. This study employs the framework of "linkage politics" of James N. Rosenau in an attempt to investigate the North Korean confrontation policy from 1953 to 1970. The basic assumption upon which this research operates is that the foreign policy of the North Korea has been a function of "fused linkages" between the nation's international environment and national conditions. "Fused linkage" is defined as a phenomenon by which certain national outputs and environmental inputs reciprocate in a continuous cycle. Thus the fused linkage case for North Korea's confrontation is defined as "circular confrontation." Based on Rosenau's proposed linkage framework, this study presents its own analytical framework. The major linkage groups are conceived of "exogenous" and "endogenous" conditions. Both of these conditions are divided into "constants" and "variables" and are treated as such. Each of these conditions was in turn analyzed with reference to relevant referents. Throughout the study particular attention is given to linkage processes between the two conditions.

Why do militaries intervene in politics in some countries and not in others? Existing theories of civil-military relations do not adequately explain military politics around the world. This dissertation provides an alternative, political-economy explanation and argues that strength of property rights instituted by a state shapes the degree of civilian supremacy over its military. I show that secure property rights induce efficient allocation of resources and contribute to sustained economic growth, which helps accommodate group interests and increases trust among them. This helps create consensus among individuals and groups on the institutions of the state, which increases the legitimacy of the state and the credibility of its institutions. High levels of legitimacy and credibility of civilian institutions enable the state to make policy decisions independent of the military, thereby reducing the ability of the military to intervene in politics. Secure property rights also constrain the arbitrary behavior of the state to politicize the military and inspire the state to uphold merit-based, professional norms in the armed forces, which prevent spillover of social cleavages into the ranks of the military. This reinforces military professionalism and helps reduce the disposition of the military to intervene in politics. Finally, secure property rights provide incentives to the groups to uphold existing institutions and pursue their interests through the markets. As a result, groups refrain from “knocking on the door” of the military to secure their interests, which reduces the opportunity for the military to intervene in politics.

Few terms are more popular today than “collective security,” and few are used with such diverse meanings. Former Secretary of State Dean Acheson used the term no fewer than fourteen times in his address at the opening meeting of the Sixth Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on September 20, 1950. And, of course, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had as the main purpose in negotiating the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty “to establish a collective security arrangement for Southeast Asia and the Eastern pacific.” To assess the true significance and possibilities of collective security in international affairs, the question must first be answered: What does “collective security” mean? The concept appears to be simple and self-explanatory. It has been defined by Georg Schwarzenberger as “machinery for joint action in order to prevent or counter any attack against an established international order.” It clearly implies collective measures for dealing with threats to peace. In a sense Ernest A. Gross, United States Deputy Representative to the United Nations, stated a truism when he declared: “There is no alternative to collective action for the achievement of security. The opposite of collective security is complete insecurity.” There are some who hold that regional security pacts add to international tensions, and may even hasten the catastrophe that are designed to prevent. It does not follow, however, that failure to take such steps may increase the prospects of peace. In fact, failure to provide regional security may add to the dangers and, in addition, may gravely jeopardize the security or even the national existence of the states which are so foolhardy as to trust altogether to the devices of peaceful settlement ina world where even the faintest sign of morality and decency are cast aside by nations who are not scrupulous as to the methods by which their materialistic ands are attained. The signatories to SEATO regard their organization as a necessity. In the face of present dangers in Southeast Asia they see no alternative.

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