Orientador: Charlotte M. Chambelland Galves / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Lunguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T02:59:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrade_AroldoLealde_D.pdf: 2732016 bytes, checksum: 181146f3ff1d64273c27e530923ec335 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A tese aborda a ocorrência da subida de clíticos na história do português europeu dos séculos XVI ao XX, aliada a uma caracterização formal condizente com os dados observados. O fenômeno consiste na manifestação de um clítico pronominal dependente de um predicado não-finito junto a um verbo regente, normalmente finito, em contexto de predicado complexo. Adota-se a separação entre os conceitos de posição e de colocação de clítico, o primeiro resultante da sintaxe, e o segundo manipulado pela morfologia. Para a descrição do fenômeno, mais de 4.000 dados obtidos em corpora do português europeu moderno e do português clássico foram separados em termos de duas construções com características sintático-semânticas distintas: a "reestruturação" e a "união de orações", uma em que o verbo regente é auxiliar ou semi-auxiliar; outra, um predicado causativo. Defendemos que o complemento infinitivo apresenta um caráter defectivo em ambos os tipos de predicados complexos, pois só tem a projeção da categoria vP, sendo portanto transparente para sofrer a operação de concordância com traços não-interpretáveis em categorias funcionais do domínio superior da sentença, de acordo com os pressupostos do Programa Minimalista. Crucialmente, a subida de clíticos se manifesta mediante a presença de um traço associado a uma categoria da camada flexional cujo efeito semântico é de pressuposição do referente do clítico, não obstante o valor intensional do domínio infinitivo ao qual o pronominal está vinculado. Tal caracterização formal é compatível com os resultados da pesquisa sobre a variação na ocorrência da subida, que recebem uma abordagem unificada a partir da conexão da subida de clíticos com a estrutura informacional: o clítico alçado retoma um elemento saliente no discurso, e assume a função de tópico secundário na sentença. Postula-se que a alteração no padrão de marcação do fenômeno é um reflexo da forma como a sintaxe organiza a informação. Portanto, a não marcação da subida até o século XVII é um reflexo do alto uso de tópicos marcados sintaticamente e de sujeitos nulos, utilizados como estratégia para efetivar a continuidade de tópicos discursivos. A mudança para um padrão não-marcado do fenômeno se manifesta primeiramente de forma gradual a partir do século XVI devido à instabilidade no uso de construções informacionalmente marcadas, expressas sintaticamente em termos do movimento para uma posição de proeminência no início da sentença. A essa alteração no uso é atribuído um papel na alteração dos Dados Linguísticos Primários, que gera uma mudança sintática em torno do ano 1700, identificada como a perda do parâmetro V2. / Abstract: The dissertation addresses the occurrence of clitic climbing in the history of European Portuguese from the sixteenth to the twentieth century, combined with a formal characterization consistent with the observed data. The phenomenon consists of the manifestation of a dependent clitic pronoun on a non-finite predicate together with a governing verb, usually finite, in the context of a complex predicate. We adopt the separation between the concepts of clitic position and clitic placement, the first resulting from syntax, and the second handled by morphology. In order to describe the phenomenon, more than 4,000 tokens from corpora of Modern European Portuguese and Classical Portuguese were separated in terms of two constructions with distinct syntactic and semantic characteristics: "restructuring" and "clause union". In the former the governing verb is an auxiliary or semi-auxiliary; in the latter, a causative predicate. We claim that the infinitival complement has a defective character in both types of complex predicates, once it projects only up to vP; therefore, it is transparent to suffer Agree with non-interpretable features in functional categories of the higher domain of the sentence, according to the assumptions of the Minimalist Program. Crucially, clitic climbing is manifested by the presence of a feature associated with a category of the inflectional layer whose semantic effect is the pressuposition of the clitic referent, regardless of the intensional value of the infinitival domain to which the pronoun is linked. This formal characterization is consistent with the results of research on the variation in the occurrence of climbing which receive a unified approach from the connection between clitic climbing and information structure: the climbed clitic incorporates a salient element in discourse and functions as a secondary topic in the sentence. We postulate that the change in the markedness pattern of the phenomenon is a reflection of how syntax organizes information. Therefore, the nonmarked nature of climbing until the seventeenth century is a reflection of the strong use of syntactically marked topics and null subjects, which serve to obtain continuity of discourse topics. The change to a non-marked pattern of the phenomenon is manifested gradually from the sixteenth century due to instability in the use of informationally marked constructions syntactically expressed as the movement to a prominent position in the beginning of the sentence. Such a change in use is deemed responsible for a change in the Primary Linguistic Data, which causes a syntactic change identified as the loss of the V2 parameter around the year 1700. / Doutorado / Linguística Histórica / Doutor em Linguística

Cette thèse a un double objectif : 1) Étudier le comportement sémantique et syntaxique des verbes simples persans par rapport aux prédicats complexes dans les événements spatiaux respectant la typologie de Talmy sur cadrage verbal ou cadrage satellitaire ; et 2) Analyser la systématicité sémantique dans la formation des prédicats complexes basée sur une approche constructionnelle et expliquer leurs comportements exacts, à savoir leur productivité, la causalité, leur durée, et le comportement syntaxique de leurs pré-verbes en fonction de leurs significations. Dans la première partie de l’analyse, nous parlons du comportement des verbes simples par rapport aux prédicats complexes dans les événements spatiaux. Notre analyse est basée sur un vaste corpus. Les prédicats complexes expriment fréquemment le comportement et d’autres informations sémantiques tandis qu’une fréquence élevée de verbes simples apparaît comme des constructions neutres sans exprimer aucune information spécifique. La distribution syntaxique des prédicats complexes respecte la règle de l’« économie de la langue » étant donné que toutes les informations sémantiques sont aussi encodées dans la construction elles-mêmes. Par ailleurs, les verbes simples exigent, dans la majorité des cas, des clauses dépendantes pour exprimer le comportement. En outre, les prédicats complexes encodent, à la fois, le mouvement et les événements d’emplacement, tandis que les verbes simples sont pour la plupart intransitifs et se réfèrent aux événements locatifs. Les lacunes mentionnées ci-dessus sur des verbes simples ont conduit au remplacement de ces derniers par des prédicats complexes au fil du temps. Dans la deuxième partie de notre analyse, nous traitons les caractéristiques sémantiques de prédicats complexes dans des événements spatiaux à la lumière de la théorie de Grammaire de Construction et des approches fondées sur le corpus. Selon Goldberg, nous considérons des constructions de prédicats complexes à part entière. Kardan, "Faire" ; dādan, 'Donner'; zadan, 'Frapper' ; et bordan, 'Prendre', sont les verbes supports étudiés dans cette thèse. Ces verbes supports sont parmi ceux les plus fréquents ayant le plus de pré-verbes en commun dans notre corpus. Premièrement, nous avons identifié les extensions sémantiques de chaque verbe support. Cette catégorisation nous a permis de révéler un certain degré de productivité sémantique ainsi que la généralisation entre chaque verbes supports et le type de pré-verbes avec lesquels il pourrait co-se produire. Autrement dit, chaque verbe support se combine avec un type spécifique de pré-verbe. Il est à note que même des extensions métaphoriques ont un certain degré de productivité et les locuteurs peuvent ainsi les généraliser. Nous tenons également à noter que les prédicats complexes dans les événements spatiaux font partis de la famille de constructions résultatives. Certains comportements des prédicats complexes, tels que leur causalité et la durée de l’activité, sont expliqués en fonction de leur sémantique, et il est démontré que toute la construction est responsable de tels comportements. La comparaison entre les combinaisons qui ont des verbes supports différents mais des pré-verbes identiques évoque quelques différences sémantiques et syntaxiques, ce qui est la preuve de la systématicité existante dans la formation des prédicats complexes. Grâce à une analyse collostructionnelle, nous parlons du degré d’attraction de chaque verbe support par rapport aux catégories sémantiques. Enfin, le type de fréquences de prédicats complexes révèle le degré de productivité dans chaque verbe support, qui ressemble à: Kardan=Zadan > dādan > bordan. / The purpose of this dissertation is twofold : 1) to investigate the semantic and syntactic behavior of Persian simplex verbs vs. CPs in spatial events with respect to Talmy’s typology of satellite-framed and verb-framed languages ; and 2) to analyze the semantic systematicity in the formation of CPs based on a constructional approach and explain their certain behaviors, namely, their productivity, causativity, duration, and syntactic behavior of their PVs through the meaning of the construction.In the first part of the analysis, we discuss the behaviour of simplex verbs vs. CPs in spatial events. Our analysis is based on an extensive corpus. CPs express manner and other semantic information frequently while a high frequency of simplex verbs appears as neutral constructions without expressing any specific information. The syntactic distribution of CPs follow the ‘economy of language’ rule since all the semantic information is encoded in the construction itself; on the other hand, simplex verbs require dependent clauses to express manner in the majority of cases. Furthermore, CPs encode both motion and location events while simplex verbs are mostly intransitive and refer to locative events. The above-mentioned shortcomings of simplex verbs have led to the replacement of these verbs by CPs over time. In the second part of our analysis, we deal with the semantic features of CPs in spatial events in the light of Construction Grammar theory and corpus-based approaches. Following Goldberg we consider CPs constructions in their own right. Kardan, ‘do’ ; dādan, ‘give’; zadan, ‘hit’; and bordan, ‘take’, are the LVs under the study in this thesis. These LVs found to be among the most frequent ones with the most PVs in common in our corpus. Firstly, we identified the semantic extensions of each LV. This categorization reveals a certain degree of semantic productivity and generalization between each LV and the type of PVs with which it can co-occur. In other words, each LV combines with a specific type of PVs. Even metaphorical extensions have a certain degree of productivity and speakers can generalize about them. We also argue that CPs in spatial events are a family of resultative constructions. Certain behaviors of CPs, namely, their causativity, and the duration of the activity, are explained based on their semantics, and it is shown that the whole construction is responsible for such behaviors. The comparison between combinations that have different LVs but identical PVs reveals certain semantic and syntactic differences, which is evidence for the existing systematicity in the formation of CPs. Through a collostructional analysis we discuss the degree of attraction of each LV with respect to the semantic categories.

Among Urdu’s many verb+verb constructions, this thesis focuses on those constructions, which combine the stem of a main content verb with another inflected verb which is used in a semantically bleached sense. Prior work on these constructions has been focused on their structural make-up and syntactic behavior in various environments. While there is consensus among scholars (Butt 1995, Hook 1977, Carnikova 1989, Porizka 2000 et al.) that these stem+verb constructions encode aspectual information, to date no clear theory has been put forward to explain the nature of their aspectual contribution. In short, we do not have a clear idea why these constructions are used instead of simple verbs. This work is an attempt to understand the precise function of these constructions. I propose that simple verbs (henceforth SV) in Urdu deal only with the action of the verb whereas (regardless of the semantic information contributed by the second inflected verb,1) the stem+verb constructions essentially deal with the action of the verb as well as the state of affairs resulting from this action. The event represented by these constructions is essentially a telic event as defined by Comrie (1976), whose resultant state is highlighted from the use of these constructions. The attention of the listener is then shifted to the result of this telic event, whose salience in the discourse is responsible for various interpretations of the event; hence my term ‘resultive construction’ (henceforth RC). When these constructions are made using the four special verbs (rah ‘stay’, sak ‘can’, paa ‘manage’ and cuk ‘finish’), the product is not resultive. Each of these verbs behaves differently and is somewhere between a resultive and an auxiliary verb construction. This work can be extended to other verb-verb construction in Urdu and other related and non-related languages as well. The analysis of the precise function of the RCs can also help in developing a model for them in various functional grammars. The proposed properties of RCs can be utilized in the semantic analysis of the Urdu quantifiers. This work should aid in identification and explanation of constructions in other languages, particularly those that are non-negatable under normal contexts. [1] All second inflected verbs with the exception of four special verbs rah ‘stay’, sak ‘can’, paa ‘manage’ and cuk ‘finish’. These four special verbs are either auxiliaries or modals as identified in prior literature.