This dissertation is an investigation into compound verbal structures in Hiaki in which a verb of motion is modified by an adjoined lexical verb or verb phrase. It provides the first in-depth documentation and analysis of this structure in Hiaki, an endangered language indigenous to North America, and it explores the extent to which complex predicates of motion may be said to form a discrete class crosslinguistically, either in structural or semantic terms, by comparing Hiaki with genetically and typologically distinct languages such as Korean and Warlpiri. The study asks the following questions: 1) What is the underlying structure of a Hiaki compound verb? In particular, what is the structure when the head verb is intransitive and thus cannot take the second verb or verb phrase as its complement? 2) To what extent can complex motion predicates in different languages be said to map to identical underlying syntactic structures? That is, if we compare these constructions in Hiaki with those in languages with different surface morphosyntactic realizations, how do the allowable surface forms constrain the possible underlying structures? 3) Is there evidence to suggest a cline or typology of complex motion predicate constructions? The overall goals of the dissertation project are the detailed documentation, description and theoretical analysis of complex motion constructions in Hiaki, the crosslinguistic comparison of these constructions, and the expansion of an existing database of transcribed and interlinearized Hiaki texts.

The present thesis consists of an introduction and the following papers: The aspect-evidentiality system of Middle Mongol. Ural-Altaic Studies, 13. (forthcoming) The tense-aspect system of Khorchin Mongolian. In: Pirkko Suihkonen &amp; Lindsay Whaley (eds.), Typology of Languages of Europe and Northern and Central Asia. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. (forthcoming) Aspect and epistemic notions in the present tense system of Khalkha Mongolian. Acta Linguistica Petropolitana. (forthcoming) Factual vs. evidential? - The past tense forms of spoken Khalkha Mongolian. In: Ad Foolen, Helen de Hoop, &amp; Gijs Mulder (eds.), Empirical Approaches to Evidentiality. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. (under review) Its purpose is to give an account of tense, aspect and evidentiality in three Mongolian varieties: Middle Mongol (MM) as spoken in the Mongol Empire, Khalkha Mongolian as spoken in the Mongolian state, and Khorchin Mongolian as spoken in eastern Inner Mongolia, China. MM started out with a tripartite tense distinction and a medium-sized aspectual system. Its past evidential system was tripartite with suffixes for firsthand, non-firsthand and evidentially neutral information. In Khorchin, which developed under the influence of Mandarin and Manchu, evidentiality was lost, and tense was simplified into a past / non-past distinction, alongside with a discontinuous proximal future / past marker. The aspect system underwent some changes, but retained its complexity. Khalkha, which developed under the influence of Turkic and Tibetan, underwent some shared innovations with Khorchin, but retained participles as a multifunctional unit within finite predicates, so that its aspectual system grew more complex. The past evidentiality distinctions of MM were basically retained, but the introduction of present tense evidentiality brought a number of changes: the evidentially neutral value shifted to signaling assimilated knowledge, and discontinuous future uses were introduced for all past markers. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Accepted. Paper 2: Accepted. Paper 3: Accepted. Paper 4: Submitted.</p><p> </p>

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This study investigates how Persian compound verbs are processed in the mental lexicon, through which we can infer how they are stored, organized, and accessed. The study focuses on investigating Persian compound verbs in light of psycholinguistic theories on polymorphemic word processing as well as linguistic theories of complex predicates. The psycholinguistic section details three experiments addressing the following three research questions: (1) whether compound verb constituents show significant priming in the masked-priming paradigm; (2) whether priming effects are constrained by semantic transparency; and (3) whether priming effects are due to morphological relatedness. This study revealed several findings: (1) compound verbs in Persian are decomposed into their constituents at early stages of processing, (2) at early stages of processing, decomposition is based on purely orthographic similarity, (3) although both transparent and opaque compound constituents were facilitated while processing, transparency had an impact on processing in the early stages of processing. Finally, the findings seem to support a parallel input effect or competing alternative effect for the verbal constituent of the transparent compound verb, as reflected in the slower facilitation for the verbal constituent compared to the nominal constituent. In theoretical studies on Persian complex predicates, the compound verb formation can be either lexical or syntactic. The overall evidence reflected in the linguistic data for Persian complex predicates presented in this dissertation as well as the results of the experimental studies carried out in this research seem to point towards lexical compounding in Persian compound verb formation. The evidence comes from (1) the nominalization of the compound, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb as a noun; (2) the atelicity feature, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb after the progressive expression dar haale ‘in the process of’, which indicates an incomplete action; and (3) the nonreferentiality of the nominal constituent in the compound verb, i.e. the nominal constituent cannot be followed by a pronoun that refers to it. On the other hand, the results of the experimental studies reported in this dissertation seem to support a lexical approach to compound verbs in Persian. The technique used in these experimental studies was masked priming paradigm, which investigates the prelexical and lexical processing. The results reveal constituent priming effects under masked priming technique. This indicates that Persian compound verb constituents are accessed at the prelexical stage of processing. Syntactic calculations are said to be done at later stages of processing. Therefore, the early processing of compound verb constituents leads us to the argument for the lexicality of Persian compound verbs.

This study investigates how Persian compound verbs are processed in the mental lexicon, through which we can infer how they are stored, organized, and accessed. The study focuses on investigating Persian compound verbs in light of psycholinguistic theories on polymorphemic word processing as well as linguistic theories of complex predicates. The psycholinguistic section details three experiments addressing the following three research questions: (1) whether compound verb constituents show significant priming in the masked-priming paradigm; (2) whether priming effects are constrained by semantic transparency; and (3) whether priming effects are due to morphological relatedness. This study revealed several findings: (1) compound verbs in Persian are decomposed into their constituents at early stages of processing, (2) at early stages of processing, decomposition is based on purely orthographic similarity, (3) although both transparent and opaque compound constituents were facilitated while processing, transparency had an impact on processing in the early stages of processing. Finally, the findings seem to support a parallel input effect or competing alternative effect for the verbal constituent of the transparent compound verb, as reflected in the slower facilitation for the verbal constituent compared to the nominal constituent. In theoretical studies on Persian complex predicates, the compound verb formation can be either lexical or syntactic. The overall evidence reflected in the linguistic data for Persian complex predicates presented in this dissertation as well as the results of the experimental studies carried out in this research seem to point towards lexical compounding in Persian compound verb formation. The evidence comes from (1) the nominalization of the compound, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb as a noun; (2) the atelicity feature, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb after the progressive expression dar haale ‘in the process of’, which indicates an incomplete action; and (3) the nonreferentiality of the nominal constituent in the compound verb, i.e. the nominal constituent cannot be followed by a pronoun that refers to it. On the other hand, the results of the experimental studies reported in this dissertation seem to support a lexical approach to compound verbs in Persian. The technique used in these experimental studies was masked priming paradigm, which investigates the prelexical and lexical processing. The results reveal constituent priming effects under masked priming technique. This indicates that Persian compound verb constituents are accessed at the prelexical stage of processing. Syntactic calculations are said to be done at later stages of processing. Therefore, the early processing of compound verb constituents leads us to the argument for the lexicality of Persian compound verbs.

This study investigates how Persian compound verbs are processed in the mental lexicon, through which we can infer how they are stored, organized, and accessed. The study focuses on investigating Persian compound verbs in light of psycholinguistic theories on polymorphemic word processing as well as linguistic theories of complex predicates. The psycholinguistic section details three experiments addressing the following three research questions: (1) whether compound verb constituents show significant priming in the masked-priming paradigm; (2) whether priming effects are constrained by semantic transparency; and (3) whether priming effects are due to morphological relatedness. This study revealed several findings: (1) compound verbs in Persian are decomposed into their constituents at early stages of processing, (2) at early stages of processing, decomposition is based on purely orthographic similarity, (3) although both transparent and opaque compound constituents were facilitated while processing, transparency had an impact on processing in the early stages of processing. Finally, the findings seem to support a parallel input effect or competing alternative effect for the verbal constituent of the transparent compound verb, as reflected in the slower facilitation for the verbal constituent compared to the nominal constituent. In theoretical studies on Persian complex predicates, the compound verb formation can be either lexical or syntactic. The overall evidence reflected in the linguistic data for Persian complex predicates presented in this dissertation as well as the results of the experimental studies carried out in this research seem to point towards lexical compounding in Persian compound verb formation. The evidence comes from (1) the nominalization of the compound, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb as a noun; (2) the atelicity feature, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb after the progressive expression dar haale ‘in the process of’, which indicates an incomplete action; and (3) the nonreferentiality of the nominal constituent in the compound verb, i.e. the nominal constituent cannot be followed by a pronoun that refers to it. On the other hand, the results of the experimental studies reported in this dissertation seem to support a lexical approach to compound verbs in Persian. The technique used in these experimental studies was masked priming paradigm, which investigates the prelexical and lexical processing. The results reveal constituent priming effects under masked priming technique. This indicates that Persian compound verb constituents are accessed at the prelexical stage of processing. Syntactic calculations are said to be done at later stages of processing. Therefore, the early processing of compound verb constituents leads us to the argument for the lexicality of Persian compound verbs.

Complex predicates (CP) have attracted the attention of a number of linguists, and their syntactic properties have been widely investigated cross-linguistically. This paper describes Swahili “complex predicates”, that is, verbal constructions (V+N) which resemble a typical verb-object relation, but function like a single lexical verb. In particular, we will deal with a specific type of CP, involving body part terms as part of the predicate, such as -fa moyo, lit. die heart, ‘despair’; -kata ini, lit. cut liver, ‘cause suffering’; or -toka damu, lit. go out blood, ‘bleed’. We show how body part nouns differ from other nominal elements typically employed in complex predicates, both in their syntactic properties (e.g. object marking and possessor raising) and in their semantic characteristics (e.g. degree of semantic compositionality). Indeed, body part terms are often employed to conceptualize more abstract entities and ideas which belong to different semantic domains. Unlike other nominal elements, they seem to occupy the slot of regular objects, while they are not syntactic arguments of the verb, but rather define the scope, range, character or extent of the process.

Neste trabalho, retomaremos a questão sobre a existência de construções resultativas no português brasileiro (PB), conforme debatido nos trabalhos de Foltran (1999), Marcelino (2000), e Lobato (2004), inter alia, apresentando evidências teóricas e empíricas contra a afirmação de que existam em PB construções resultativas sintaticamente ou semanticamente equivalentes às construções resultativas presentes em línguas como o inglês, por exemplo. A partir de alguns trabalhos sobre as construções resultativas do inglês, como Hoekstra (1988) e Levin & Rappaport-Hovav (1995), mostraremos que as propriedades básicas dessas construções no inglês se mostram bem distintas das propriedades das construções citadas pelos trabalhos sobre o PB. Com base em um critério que leva em conta as propriedades das construções resultativas no inglês, mostraremos que existe uma diferença semântica quanto ao tipo de modificação que o predicado resultativo exerce sobre a sentença em inglês e em PB, baseados na semântica de eventos neo-Davidsoniana (PARSONS, 1990); enquanto na primeira o predicado resultativo denota o estado resultante da ação, na segunda, o predicado secundário é, na verdade, um modificador do estado resultante, já denotado pelo conteúdo semântico expresso no complexo verbo+argumento interno. Baseados na tipologia de Talmy (2000), estenderemos sua proposta de impossibilidade de amálgama (conflation) de certos elementos semânticos ao verbo em línguas românicas à impossibilidade de formação de resultativas. Incapaz de realizar amálgama de modo ao verbo, o PB realiza, ao invés do modo, a semântica de causa amalgamada ao co-evento no verbo, enquanto inglês realiza a semântica de estado resultante em um satélite, e modo e causa amalgamados ao verbo. A partir dos resultados obtidos pela nossa análise semântica, conduziremos uma análise sintática que explica tanto a restrição de amálgama de modo quanto à impossibilidade de formação de construções resultativas em PB. Baseados na teoria de estrutura argumental de Hale & Keyser (1993, 2002), iremos propor uma estrutura de predicados complexos para as resultativas do inglês a partir da estrutura de verbos deadjetivais, responsáveis pela formação de verbos inacusativos. A restrição de formação desses predicados complexos em PB é explicada pela marcação negativa do Parâmetro de Composicionalidade nessa língua, (SNYDER, 1995), impedindo a inserção de itens lexicais de classe aberta (raízes) em posições marcadas com o traço [+Afixal], condição sine qua non para a formação de predicados resultativos como os do inglês. / In this work, we take up again the discussion of whether resultative constructions exist in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), as discussed in the works of Foltran (1999), Marcelino (2000) and Lobato (2004), inter alia, presenting theoretical and empirical evidence against the claim that there are resultative constructions in BP that are syntactically or semantically equivalent to resultative constructions from languages such as English, for instance. Based on works about Englishs resultative construction such as Hoekstra (1988) and Levin & Rappaport-Hovav (1995), we show that the basic properties of these constructions in English are quite distinct from the properties of the constructions mentioned by the works about BP. With a criterion which takes on the properties of resultative constructions in English, we show that there is semantic difference as for the type of modification applied by the resultative predicate over the sentence when comparing English and BP, considering the neo- Davidsonian event semantics (PARSONS, 1990); while Englishs resultative predicate denotes the actions resultant state, in BP the secondary predicate is, in fact, the modifier of the resultant state already denoted by the semantic content expressed by the complex verb+internal argument. Based on Talmys (2000) typology, we relate his proposal of impossibility of conflation of certain semantic elements to the verb in romance languages to the impossibility of resultative construction formation in these languages. Unable to conflate manner to the verb, BP realizes, instead of manner, the cause semantics conflated to the verbs co-event, while English realizes the resultant state on a satellite, and manner and cause are conflated into the verb. From the results obtained with our semantic analysis, we conduct a syntactic analysis that explains the manner conflation restriction in BP, as well as its inability to form resultative constructions. Based on the argument structure theory from Hale & Keyser (2002), we suggest a complex predicate structure for Englishs resultatives from the deadjectival verb structures, responsible for the formation of the unaccusative verbs. The restriction over the formation of these predicates in BP is explained by the negative setting of the Compounding Parameter in this language (SNYDER, 1995), thus not allowing the insertion of open-class lexical items (roots) into positions marked with the [+Afixal] feature, a sine qua non condition for the resultative predicate formation, such as Englishs resultative predicates.

Neste trabalho, retomaremos a questão sobre a existência de construções resultativas no português brasileiro (PB), conforme debatido nos trabalhos de Foltran (1999), Marcelino (2000), e Lobato (2004), inter alia, apresentando evidências teóricas e empíricas contra a afirmação de que existam em PB construções resultativas sintaticamente ou semanticamente equivalentes às construções resultativas presentes em línguas como o inglês, por exemplo. A partir de alguns trabalhos sobre as construções resultativas do inglês, como Hoekstra (1988) e Levin & Rappaport-Hovav (1995), mostraremos que as propriedades básicas dessas construções no inglês se mostram bem distintas das propriedades das construções citadas pelos trabalhos sobre o PB. Com base em um critério que leva em conta as propriedades das construções resultativas no inglês, mostraremos que existe uma diferença semântica quanto ao tipo de modificação que o predicado resultativo exerce sobre a sentença em inglês e em PB, baseados na semântica de eventos neo-Davidsoniana (PARSONS, 1990); enquanto na primeira o predicado resultativo denota o estado resultante da ação, na segunda, o predicado secundário é, na verdade, um modificador do estado resultante, já denotado pelo conteúdo semântico expresso no complexo verbo+argumento interno. Baseados na tipologia de Talmy (2000), estenderemos sua proposta de impossibilidade de amálgama (conflation) de certos elementos semânticos ao verbo em línguas românicas à impossibilidade de formação de resultativas. Incapaz de realizar amálgama de modo ao verbo, o PB realiza, ao invés do modo, a semântica de causa amalgamada ao co-evento no verbo, enquanto inglês realiza a semântica de estado resultante em um satélite, e modo e causa amalgamados ao verbo. A partir dos resultados obtidos pela nossa análise semântica, conduziremos uma análise sintática que explica tanto a restrição de amálgama de modo quanto à impossibilidade de formação de construções resultativas em PB. Baseados na teoria de estrutura argumental de Hale & Keyser (1993, 2002), iremos propor uma estrutura de predicados complexos para as resultativas do inglês a partir da estrutura de verbos deadjetivais, responsáveis pela formação de verbos inacusativos. A restrição de formação desses predicados complexos em PB é explicada pela marcação negativa do Parâmetro de Composicionalidade nessa língua, (SNYDER, 1995), impedindo a inserção de itens lexicais de classe aberta (raízes) em posições marcadas com o traço [+Afixal], condição sine qua non para a formação de predicados resultativos como os do inglês. / In this work, we take up again the discussion of whether resultative constructions exist in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), as discussed in the works of Foltran (1999), Marcelino (2000) and Lobato (2004), inter alia, presenting theoretical and empirical evidence against the claim that there are resultative constructions in BP that are syntactically or semantically equivalent to resultative constructions from languages such as English, for instance. Based on works about Englishs resultative construction such as Hoekstra (1988) and Levin & Rappaport-Hovav (1995), we show that the basic properties of these constructions in English are quite distinct from the properties of the constructions mentioned by the works about BP. With a criterion which takes on the properties of resultative constructions in English, we show that there is semantic difference as for the type of modification applied by the resultative predicate over the sentence when comparing English and BP, considering the neo- Davidsonian event semantics (PARSONS, 1990); while Englishs resultative predicate denotes the actions resultant state, in BP the secondary predicate is, in fact, the modifier of the resultant state already denoted by the semantic content expressed by the complex verb+internal argument. Based on Talmys (2000) typology, we relate his proposal of impossibility of conflation of certain semantic elements to the verb in romance languages to the impossibility of resultative construction formation in these languages. Unable to conflate manner to the verb, BP realizes, instead of manner, the cause semantics conflated to the verbs co-event, while English realizes the resultant state on a satellite, and manner and cause are conflated into the verb. From the results obtained with our semantic analysis, we conduct a syntactic analysis that explains the manner conflation restriction in BP, as well as its inability to form resultative constructions. Based on the argument structure theory from Hale & Keyser (2002), we suggest a complex predicate structure for Englishs resultatives from the deadjectival verb structures, responsible for the formation of the unaccusative verbs. The restriction over the formation of these predicates in BP is explained by the negative setting of the Compounding Parameter in this language (SNYDER, 1995), thus not allowing the insertion of open-class lexical items (roots) into positions marked with the [+Afixal] feature, a sine qua non condition for the resultative predicate formation, such as Englishs resultative predicates.

Orientadores: Mary Aizawa Kato, Ruth Lopes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T09:24:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelino_Marcello_D.pdf: 794651 bytes, checksum: 13f0b04e19ffc8fe1aeff46021733ca4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta tese investiga o Parâmetro de Composição (PC) conforme formulado por Snyder (1995) e seu papel na aquisição/aprendizagem de inglês por aprendizes brasileiros. A definição positiva do PC [+] permite a uma língua marcar livremente qualquer item lexical da classe aberta como [+Afixal] e conseqüentemente, detonar toda uma série de propriedades relacionadas (cluster), a saber, composição nominal (N+N), estruturas resultativas (ER), construções V+partícula (V+PRT), construções com objeto duplo (DOC) e isolamento de preposição (PrepStr), entre outras. Diante da aparente existência, em PB, de algumas estruturas semelhantes às do inglês, proponho-me a investigar as seguintes questões: (i) através de comparação entre o PB e o inglês, é possível trazer evidências de que todas as propriedades resultantes da definição positiva do PC, ou pelo menos parte delas estão ligadas ao mesmo parâmetro? (ii) se houver tal parâmetro, a aquisição do inglês como L2 apresenta semelhanças com a aquisição de L1 em relação ao comportamento relativo ao mesmo parâmetro? Após comparação e análise das cinco estruturas propostas, descobri que nenhuma delas, nem mesmo as com correlato estrutural superficial, resulta, no PB, da definição positiva do PC. N+N em PB exemplifica um tipo de composição nominal não recursivo com rigidez de significado; as ERs encontradas em PB são do tipo semântico e não correspondem às versões sintáticas licenciadas pelo PC [+]; estruturas V+PRT e COD são inexistentes; por fim, PB apresenta estruturas com ausência de preposição, que resultam de um diferente arranjo de itens especificados na numeração, diferentemente de estruturas com isolamento de preposição, que são exemplos de predicados complexos decorrentes de Reanálise. Em relação à aquisição das cinco propriedades do PC, sugiro, após análise dos dados de um experimento, que a aquisição das propriedades do (PC) em L2 não é semelhante à sua aquisição em L1. Em L2, as propriedades nucleares (resultativas, V+Partícula,) parecem ter sido adquiridas pelos falantes avançados, possivelmente via imersão. As estruturas não nucleares (COD e PrepStr) juntamente com a estrutura nuclear N+N foram aprendidas via instrução formal. Essas últimas parecem permanecer disponíveis na forma de conhecimento lingüístico consciente / Abstract: This dissertation investigates the Compounding Parameter (CP) as formulated by Snyder (1995) and its role in the acquisition/learning of English by Brazilian learners. The positive setting of the CP [+] allows a given language to freely mark any open-class lexical item as [+Affixal] and consequently trigger a cluster of related properties, namely N+N compounding (N+N), resultative structures (RS), V+Particle (V+PRT) constructions, double object constructions (DOC) and preposition stranding (PrepStr), among others. Upon the apparent existence of structures in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) that resemble some of those in English, namely RS and PrepStr, I set out to explore the following questions: (i) does the comparison between Brazilian Portuguese and English offer evidence that all the properties attributed to the positive setting of the CP, or part of them, follow from the same parameter? (ii) assuming the existence of this parameter, are there any similarities between L1 and L2 acquisition as far as the CP is concerned? After the comparison and analysis of the five related properties, I found out that none of the structures, even the superficially identical looking ones, resulted from the positive setting of the CP. N+N in BP is a result of non recursive N+N compounding with lexically rigid meaning; the RSs found in BP are semantic resultatives that do not correspond to the syntactic versions of the CP-positively valued ones; the V+Particle and DOC constructions are nonexistent; finally, BP offers prepositionless structures that result from a different array of items specified in the numeration, differently from the Reanalysis of V+Preposition, which allows the preposition to be stranded in English. As for the acquisition of the five CP properties, I suggest, after analyzing the data of an experimental study, that the L2 acquisition processes differ from those of the L1 in that the non-nuclear properties (DOC and PrepStr) along with the nuclear property N+N seem to have been learned via formal instruction (ordered input, explicit positive and negative evidence) and remain available as conscious linguistic knowledge. The nuclear properties (RS and V+PRT), on the other hand, seem to have been acquired by the highly proficient L2 English speakers, probably via immersion / Doutorado / Doutor em Linguística