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The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish Young Conservatives related to Vietnam issue between 1965 and 1973 by studying the organization's own newspaper with the method qualitative text analysis as described in Esaiasson et al. (2007). In the absence of previous research which has studied the same topic we have chosen to relate the results of this study to previous studies, that have dealt with Svenska Dagbladet´s attitude to the Vietnam war, as it is the most well known conservative Swedish newspaper and can thus be considered representative of the conservative press in Sweden. In order to achieve the aim, we studied the association's view on the Vietnam conflict, on American policy and on the Swedish Government's policy as well as on Vietnam issue as discussed in Swedish public opinion.The results shows that Swedish Young Conservatives retains a positive image of the United States  for almost the entire investigation period, when the United States is seen as the good party in the conflict and as a symbol for democracy and freedom. A new and more negative image of the United States is emerging in 1972. The conflict is seen as the United States fight against communism until 1972, when a reassessment of the conflict takes place and the United States presence in Vietnam is beginning to be questioned. The result also shows that the Swedish Young Consevatives remains critical of the Government's policy of Vietnam during the entire investigation period, in line with the moderate party. Key words: Vietnam War, Swedish Young Conservatives, Swedish conservative press, Swedish foreign politics.

Cette thèse est consacrée à la planification et l'exploitation d'expériences numériques à l'aide de modèles de remplacement (métamodèles), et plus particulièrement à la prise en compte des incertitudes induites par l'utilisation de ces métamodèles. Dans un premier temps, différentes méthodes sont proposées pour compenser ces incertitudes en biaisant les modèles afin de limiter le risque d'erreur 'défavorable' (méthodes conservatives). Cette étude s'appuie sur des applications en mécanique des structures, et en particulier, l'optimisation d'un système soumis a des contraintes de fiabilité. Cette thèse propose également deux contributions au domaine de la planification d'expériences numériques. D'une part, une méthode a été développée pour construire des plans permettant de minimiser l'erreur du modèle dans une région cible de l'espace de conception. Enfin, nous avons proposé des résultats pour la planification optimale des calculs dans le cas de simulateurs à réponse bruitées.

Despite continued polarization along political party lines, it remains unclear how differences in political ideology impact the choices consumers make. The results of seven studies indicate that political ideology profoundly influences the way consumers think and behave. Liberals and conservatives are systematically drawn to distinct choice preferences where liberals prefer hedonic, novel, and desirable options, while conservatives prefer utilitarian, status quo, and feasible options. These findings are robust for multiple measures of political ideology across multiple choice sets. Differences in behavior are explained by the amount of deliberation used for a given decision. Liberals deliberate more than conservatives as they are more open to information while conservatives have a lower tolerance for ambiguous information. Implications for consumers, marketers, and policy makers are provided.

Four encounter groups were run using 41 undergraduates at Utah State University to measure the effects of leadership style, member vii socio-political subculture, and member personality on the quantity and quality of group interaction, and on member satisfaction. Using Kerlinger's Social Attitudes Scale, the subjects were divided into subgroupings of "conservatives" and "liberals." One conservative group and one liberal group were each conducted by a leader acting in a non-directive style, while one conservative and one liberal group were run by a leader acting in a directive style. The California Psychological Inventory was administered to the subjects to gain information on the personality traits of the individuals, and a questionnaire was used to measure member satisfaction. Each group met for six sessions, and the groups were rated for interaction using the Hill Interaction Matrix. Using an analysis of covariance, the results showed that the group led by the non-directive leader resulted in more interaction, and that this interaction was of a ''member-centered" work type. A statistical relationship was also found between the personality of group members and: 1) quantity and quality of interaction, 2) member satisfaction, and 3) the socio-political subculture of the members. An interaction effect between leadership style and socio-political subculture of the subjects was found to affect member satisfaction. Conservatives preferred a directive leader, while liberals preferred a non-directive leader. Finally, a trend was found suggesting a difference in group interaction due to the socio-political subculture of an individual. Implications for other types of groups, and for therapy and counseling, were discussed.

Thesis advisor: Julia Chuang / In trying to explain the outcome of the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, many post-election analyses focused on President Trumps’ perceived white working-class base. The idea that President Trump is an advocate for the working-class, though, is up for debate: many scholars have highlighted the ways in which President Trump is more of an advocate for the elite than for the working-class. Given President Trump’s appeal to individuals outside of the working-class, I decided to interview Trump supporters at Boston College—a campus with one of the wealthier student bodies in the nation. In my interviews, I looked for different narrative frames and discourses that my interviewees used in their articulation of their support for President Trump. I found that interviewees drew on parental influences, emphasized the value of hard work, shared narratives of victimization, and more. In addition, I learned about the large network of conservatives at Boston College. Given white working-class tropes surrounding the 2016 Election and stereotypes of college campuses as liberal echo chambers, this paper highlights the presence of conservatism on Boston College’s campus and calls for more research on the topic. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2019. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Sociology.

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American Monsters: Tabloid Media and the Satanic Panic, 1970-2000," analyzes an episode of national hysteria that dominated the media throughout most of the 1980s. Its origins, however, go back much farther and its consequences for the media would extend into subsequent decades. Rooted in the decade's increasingly influential conservative political ideology, the satanic panic involved hundreds of accusations that devil-worshipping pedophiles were operating America's white middle-class suburban daycare centers. Communities around the country became embroiled in criminal trials against center owners, the most publicized of which was the McMartin Preschool trial in Manhattan Beach, California. The longest and most expensive trial in the nation's history, the McMartin case is an important focal point of this project. In the 1990s, judges overturned the life sentences of defendants in most major cases, and several prominent journalists and lawyers condemned the phenomenon as a witch-hunt. They accurately understood it to be a powerful delusion, or what contemporary cultural theorist Jean Baudrillard termed a "hyperreality," in which audiences confuse the media universe for real life. Presented mainly through tabloid television, or "infotainment," and integral to its development, influence, and success, the panic was a manifestation of the hyperreal. This dissertation explores how the panic both reflected and shaped a cultural climate dominated by the overlapping worldviews of politically active conservatives. In 1980, neoconservatives, libertarians, economic conservatives, and evangelical Christians, who had begun their cultural ascent over the course of the previous decade, were brought together temporarily under the aegis of President Ronald Reagan. With collective strength they implemented their joint agenda, which partly included expanding their influence on the nation's media sources. Coinciding with a backlash against feminism and the gay rights movement, media outlets often represented working women and homosexuals as dangerous to conservative idealized notions of white suburban family life. Such views were incorporated into the panic, which tabloid media reinforced through coverage of alleged sexual abuse of children at day care centers. Infotainment expanded dramatically in the 1980s, selling conservative-defined threats as news. As the satanic panic unfolded through infotainment sub-genres like talk shows and local news programs (first introduced in the late 1940s), its appeal guaranteed the continued presence of the tabloid genre, and reinforced conservative views on gender, race, class, and religion. Although the panic subsided in the early 1990s as journalists and lawyers discredited evidence and judicial decisions turned against accusers, the legacy of the panic continued to influence American culture and politics into the twenty-first century. / History

The thesis focuses on the conservative canon and analyses the validity of exceptionalist claims of conservative thinking through a deconstructive reading of conservatism. The comparison of classical and radical conservatisms provides the grounds for this analysis. After the introductory chapter, the second chapter of this thesis focuses on the general characteristics of the conservative ideology. It consists of three sub-sections. The first of these presents the characteristics of classical conservatism, while the second turns to consider radical conservatism. Then, in the third sub-section, a discussion of the similarities and differences between these two conservatisms leads to a proposed definition of a core of the conservative canon. Here, it is argued that the epistemological and ontological imperfection of individuals can be regarded as the definitive core, or as the precept which the justification of conservative policies relies upon. The third chapter then focuses on the views of a number of significant figures in the development of political thought on ideology, which is used by these thinkers as a critical tool. A narrative of the historical developments in the analyses of ideology and ideologies is presented in this chapter. In the last part of the chapter, Derridian thinking is introduced. The fourth chapter problematises conservative exceptionalism, or the belief that there is a fundamental difference between conservatism and other ideologies. This chapter is founded upon the analyses of the previous two chapters, using the Derridian reading and referring to the characteristics and commonalities of the conservative canon presented. In this chapter, radicalism is argued to be a persistent theme in conservative thinking, and conservatism is claimed to be founded upon its impossibility.