The thesis attempts to account for the social and political conditions which precipitated the military coup d'etat in 1967 in Greece. Part I focuses on the Hellenic Armed Forces as a power centre in the Greek political system erected on the ruins of the civil war (1946 - 1949 ). The roots of the Army's political role are traced back to the circumstances which gave rise to the civil war and the country's dependence on foreign powers. The nature of the Greek military's dependence on foreign powers is also brought into perspective. A p.rticu1ar chapter is devoted to the discussion of the sources of the Army's economic and social power as well as describing the socio-political and professional portrait of the Greek officer cotps and their politics. Part II deals with the complex relationships between the principal state institutions, the Monarchy, Parliament and the Armed Forces. Their individual strengths and weaknesses, and conflicts between them, are analysed in conjunction with the various pressures and influences exerted upon them from within and without. Part 111 studies the impact of a certain model of capitalist development on the socio-political changes which occurred in Greece in the post civil-war era (1950-1967). The form of state and the resultant political divisions, and their r1ationshi p to the social and political movements of the period are also examined in some detail. The conditions of the regime's stability and change are linked to the country's 'political institutions by applying the concepts of political mobilisation, political participation, political integration and institutionalisation.Part IV emines the crisis of the post civil-war state in Greece and attempts to cast light on the important political changes in the period 1963-1967 and on the relationship of a deepening and all embracing political crisis to the actual staging of the military coup d'tat of 1967. A necessary chronological account of events is combined with an examination of actual political practices, policies, conduct and tactics applied by the main protagonistic political forces. Finally, a concluding chapter focuses specifically on various theoretical approaches and interpretations of the role of the Hellenic Armed Forces in Greek politics over the period concerned and their ultimate intervention. The substantive conclusions of the thesis are placed into the context of a theoretical discussion which attempts to account for the post-war rise of military and authoritatian regimes in peripheral and semiperipheral capitalist societies

Depuis l’abolition de la monarchie absolue en 1932, le royaume a connu des situations politiques variées : les activités « contre-révolutionnaires » des royalistes ; l’arrivée au pouvoir des militaires ; l’émergence de nouvelles classes politiques ; les massacres de civils ; les compromis entre les militaires, les royalistes et les progressistes ; l’incertitude sur l’avenir du royaume et de la couronne... L’échec de la transition démocratique thaïlandaise est expliqué généralement par un argument convenu : l’immaturité de la société thaïlandaise ; la démocratie libérale de type occidental ne serait pas appropriée pour le pays, notamment pour des « pauvres ruraux ignorants » ; l’armée est le seul acteur capable d’encadrer le développement d’une démocratie. Pourtant, cette étude présente une explication alternative ; elle démontre que la vie politique du royaume est déterminée par trois axes du pouvoir : les élites traditionnelles, dont la monarchie, l’armée et la haute fonction publique ; c’est cette situation qui explique l’échec du progrès démocratique. Et le coup d’État est la méthode préférée pour protéger le statu quo ; quant à la constitution thaïlandaise est semblable à une « lettre morte » ou à un « instrument de la politique au quotidien » ; elle ne représente plus la norme suprême qui exprime l’idéologie politique du pays ; au contraire, elle est utilisée non seulement pour légitimer a posteriori un coup d’État, mais également pour défendre la domination politique des groupes dominants. Nous pouvons donc conclure que le coup d’État thaïlandais est déclenché par l’armée royale avec l’appui de la monarchie et son réseau de conseillers ; puis, il est justifié par le roi et le judiciaire, en assurant l’impunité de ses auteurs par les lois et la constitution. / Since the abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932, the kingdom has experienced the various political situations: the ‘counter-revolution’ of the royalists, the dictatorial regime, the emergence of the new middle classes, the massacres of civilians, the political compromise, the uncertainty about the future of the kingdom and the crown… The failure of a transition to democracy is usually explained by the usual arguments: the political immaturity of Thai society, the ‘Western-style liberal democracy’ would not be appropriate for the country especially for ‘the ignorant masses’, the army is the only actor, who capable to promote democracy. However, this study presents an alternative explanation. It demonstrates that the political life of the kingdom is determined by three axes of power: traditional elites, including the monarchy, the army and the senior civil servant. It is this situation that explains the failure of the democratic process. And the coup is the traditional method to protect their status quo. As for the constitution, it is similar to a ‘dead letter’ or an ‘instrument of everyday politics’. It isn’t represented as supreme norm that expresses the country’s political ideology. On the contrary, it is used not only to legitimize a coup, but also to defend the political domination of the traditional elites. We can conclude that the Thai coups are triggered by the royal army with the support of the monarchy. Then, justified by the king and the judiciary, and assuring the impunity by the laws and the constitutions.

Previous research has not specified the circumstances under which foreign aid may increase the probability of armed conflict. The purpose of this dissertation is to address this gap by employing a theoretical framework in which foreign aid produces incentives for a rent-seeking scramble among elites. A set of conditions affecting the likelihood of armed conflict are identified and tested on global data in a series of statistical analyses. Paper I argues and finds that foreign aid increases the probability of armed conflict in states where there are few constraints on executive power, allowing for a scramble for rents. Paper II proposes and finds a threshold effect of aid, such that the likelihood of armed conflict increases only when aid has reached a certain level. Paper III suggests and demonstrates that sudden negative changes in aid flows enhance the risk of armed conflict as well as coup attempts, as aid shortfalls accelerate distributional conflict over aid rents. Paper IV claims and shows that civil wars are less likely to be terminated by settlement in the form of elections when conflict parties are dependent on rents. In sum, this dissertation contributes by theoretically specifying and empirically identifying conditions under which foreign aid increases the probability of armed conflict.

The central argument in the thesis is that lack of professionalism within the military establishment was the leading factor for coups in the politics of Lesotho. Other sources of military involvement in the politics of Lesotho include the following: Firstly, the rivalries for power within the military establishment and between the military and the ruling government. Secondly, the desire of the military to transform the country from political and economic decay by the civilian government and the leadership of the military. Thirdly, the involvement of foreign states and organizations such as the Republic of South Africa (R. S. A), Zimbabwe, Botswana, countries of the Eastern bloc, Nigeria, India, China, the United States of America (U. S. A) the Southern African Development Community (S. A D. C.), the United Nations Development Programme (U. N. D. P.) and the Commonwealth in the internal affairs of the country thus preventing or motivating coups in Lesotho. Finally, the failure of the civilian governments to demobilize the civil society at large and the military which were war-oriented during the Basotho National Party (B. N. P.) and military dictatorships respectively (1970-1986 and 1986-1993). Although the struggle for power among the political elites in Lesotho dates as far back as the country's independence in 1966, the military was never affected by these politics until its indoctrination into politics by the BNP government after the 1970 general elections. Because of the politicization of the military, recruitment and promotions within the military were determined/influenced by politicians. Another criterion for entry of the military officers into the armed forces and their upward mobility was nepotism. This motivated the officers who were sidelined during the process to rebel against the ruling government and the leadership of the military. As a result, the political and economic institutions of Lesotho were weakened and unstable as the resources of the country were spent on military weaponry, setting up militias and rewarding the soldiers who were loyal to authoritarian rule in Lesotho. Simultaneously, the country experienced low levels of economic productivity as national resources were misappropriated, embezzled and used for personal enrichment by both the BNP and the military junta. Similarly, when the civilian government came to power in 1993, it was interested in power consolidation. This motivated similar demands by the military due to the political influence by opposition parties that were hungry for power. With the transition of the country to democratic rule in 1993, the civilian government was faced with the problem not of its own making. It had to deal with the military which was heavily armed and deeply divided along political lines. As a result, it was impossible for the civilian regime to control and transform the institution to adjust to the principle of neutrality of the soldier in a democratic dispensation. Consequently, the Basotho people in general and their democratic governments, namely the Basotho Congress Party (B. C. P.) and the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (L. C. D.) had never enjoyed the fruits of civilian rule. Since 1993, the military had the capacity Ipower to intervene against a civilian regime. Therefore, it became a major source of instability in Lesotho. For example, the junior military officers were actively involved in the 1998 political crisis. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005.

No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).

No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).

No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).

Deye mo-n se mo-n is a proverb in Haiti that roughly translates to "Beyond the mountains, more mountains." This saying holds a deep meaning to the Haitian peoples, who have lived through unrelenting violence and poverty. In its 200 years of independence, Haiti's inhabitants have seldom known a decade without political violence. Like the chain of mountains, political violence in Haiti seems to go on forever with no end in sight. Not only are the devastating effects of violence felt within politics, but also in the economic and social sectors of the country. The collapse of these sectors has created a predatory democracy which fails to provide for the population but rather enriches political elites who fight for the control of power and ignore their civic duties. The result of the political infighting, corruption, and weak governance has left Haiti the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. A recent conflict which continues to have negative effects in the country is the 1991 military coup d'etat. The source of the coup was the political classes' constant fight for the control of power. The consequences of the coup are the collapse of the sectors previously mentioned. This has led to a country's struggle to reestablish functioning political, economic, and social institutions. Through secondary literary sources, online journals, and biographies, the causes and negative effects of the coup will be explored in hopes of illustrating the overall proximate and underlying causes of political violence in Haiti. This research will eventually lead to the exploration of different institutional reforms which needs to be enforced to break the cycle of violence.

This study analyzed the causes of military coups and the consequences of military rule in the Third World during the 1960-1985 period. Using a coup d" etat score, including both successful and unsuccessful coups, as a dependent variable and collecting data for 109 developing nations from the World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, The New York Times Index, and public documents, sixteen hypotheses derived from the literature on the causes of military coups were tested by both simple and multiple regression models for the Third World as a whole, as well as for four regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East and North Africa) and in two time periods (1960-1970 and 1971-1985). Similarly, three models of military rule (progressive, Huntington's, and revisionist models) were analyzed to assess the consequences of military rule. The results of the study concerning the causes of military coups suggest four conclusions. First, three independent variables (social mobilization, cultural homogeneity, and dominant ethnic groups in the society) have stabilizing consequences. Second, six independent variables (previous coup experience, social mobilization divided by political institutionalization, length of national independence, economic deterioration, internal war, and military dominance) have destabilizing consequences. Third, multiple regression models for each region are very useful; most models explain more than 50% of the variance in military coups. Fourth, the time period covered is an important factor affecting explanations of the causes of military coups. In the analysis of the consequences of military rule, this study found that military governments did not differ significally from civilian governments in terms of economic, education, health, and social performances. However, the study found that military rule decreased political and civil rights. Its findings are thus very consistent with the best of the literature.

Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres