The study examines the evolvemnent of cultural policy in Taiwan through analyzing the budget of the Council of Cultural Affairs (CCA)--Taiwan¡¦s first and only cabinet-level government cultural agency, since its inauguration in 1982 to present. The study reviews the structure, variation and trend of CCA¡¦s general budget, and examines the budget data with policy White Papers. During President Chiag Ching-guo and Chen Shui-bian¡¦s administration, budget item variations were limited and the growth and distribution of budget have been relatively stable. During President Lee Teng-hui¡¦s administration, there were significant changes in budget items and distribution, as well as rapid growth in budget amounts. In each President¡¦s administration, the Ministers of CCA who had longer tenure tend to have more stable policy goals. The cultural policy largely influenced by changes of Ministers as well as socio-political situation. In the budget of CCA, only six items (Cultural heritage, cultural communication, international exchange, visual arts and performing arts) had been listed in the budget of CCA since its founding. The only new item had been keeping to present is Community Revitalization. Comparing with the cultural development of Taiwan, long term and continual support are critical to the achievement of cultural policy projects.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, cultural policy in Scotland was dominated by the political ideas and priorities of New Labour. Post-devolution government in Scotland, in line with wider British policy, encouraged a new role for the heritage and culture sector, with a new insistence on the language and implementation of a ‘social inclusion’ agenda. However, more than a decade after devolution, changes in government and economic crisis have reconfigured the priorities of the Scottish museum sector. Central questions posed in this thesis are: Has the Scottish museum’s societal role (as promulgated by Labour) been disrupted and altered by recent political and economic shifts and by the threat of future upheavals? And if so, how? What is the current direction of reform within the Scottish museum sector? What are the current narratives of education promulgated within the sector? What symbolic traits are projected by the contemporary museum in Scotland? Building on previous research and theory in museological studies, this thesis offers a fresh perspective on the educational and social role of the contemporary museum in Scotland. Following on from Hewison (1987), I argue that museums in Scotland are responding to post-industrial malaise and fear of decline. Unlike Hewison, however, I argue that this response carries little nostalgia or naïve adoration of the past, but instead seeks to position the museum as an exemplar of stability, business sense and creative thinking in a context of societal anxiety. The National Galleries of Scotland provides an appropriate case study to explore the role and response of the Scottish museum sector to the economic and political uncertainty of the modern era. NGS is one of Scotland’s most prominent and oldest ‘heritage’ institutions, attracting over one million visitors a year. It is also a multisited, national institution, directly supported by government and closely aligned to official cultural policy. This thesis uses archival research and ethnographic methods such as interviews and observation to reveal shifts in educational and reform narratives within the Scottish museum sector as well as underlying ideas that shape these narratives. Conducted over the course of three years, from 2011 to 2013, this research is situated at an interesting time for the Scottish museum sector, as Scottish society wrestles with the economic uncertainty of the early twenty-first century.

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Cette these propose une interpretation de l'histoire du centre culturel montrealais, la Place des Arts, depuis les origines du projet en 1954 jusqu'a la nationalisation de l'institution en 1964. L'analyse qui en est offerte privilegie l'etude des fonctions politiques attribuees au centre culturel pendant cette periode. Elle montre comment cette institution culturelle a servi de catalyseur et de symbole pour nombre d'acteurs sociaux implique dans les changements radicaux qui caracterisent la Revolution Tranquille. Elle dresse ainsi un tableau des grandes forces ideologiques, sociales et politiques presentes au debut des annees Soixante en s'appuyant sur l'etude de cas de la Place des Arts dont l'histoire particuliere est mise en perspective avec des tendances plus structurelles de la societe quebecoise. / L'etude de ces differentes dimensions de l'histoire de la Place des Arts confirme le caractere profondement politique que peuvent revetir des institutions dont les fonctions originales se limitent en apparence a des activites artistiques. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.

This work analyzes the political instrumentalization of culture. Specifically, it studies how this is done through cultural policy within Western democracies. The analysis takes, as an example, official Nordic cultural cooperation in the post-war period. During this time, cultural exchange among Nordic countries became the subject of political attention establishing itself as part of the Nordic inter-governmental cooperation framework. This work focuses on three key moments in the history of official Nordic cultural cooperation: (i) the failure of the NORDEK plan (a plan which envisaged extensive economic cooperation between the Nordic countries) and the establishment of the Nordic Council of Ministers in 1971; (ii) the collapse of the Soviet system at the end of the 1980s - beginning of the 1990s; and (iii) the movement towards promoting the Nordic region on the global market in the first decade of the 2000s. The analysis traces the lack of convergence between the official arm’s length principle in cultural policy and how cultural cooperation actually worked. The results of the research both demonstrate the various ways culture was instrumentalized and also prove that the politically defined concept of culture can receive different interpretations in the official discourse depending on current political goals.

Depuis les années 1990, le concept de participation a fait un retour marqué dans la société civile mais également au sein de la sphère politique, sous la forme d’une généralisation du débat public. Intrinsèquement lié au processus d’individuation de la société contemporaine, l’« impératif participatif » s’impose peu à peu aux responsables politiques et questionne la manière traditionnelle, fondée sur la légitimité élective, de concevoir l’action publique. A l’instar des autres politiques publiques, la politique culturelle se trouve elle aussi confrontée à la question de la participation des citoyens à l’élaboration de la décision publique. Les notions de démocratie culturelle et plus récemment celles de diversité et de droits culturels sont venues ainsi affirmer la légitimité des personnes à contribuer de façon effective à l’élaboration d’un projet politique partagé. Néanmoins, l’idéal de démocratisation culturelle qui légitime, depuis la création du ministère, l’intervention publique en matière culturelle, a induit un processus de hiérarchisation au détriment des citoyens, rendant difficile l’émergence d’un nouveau référentiel.Au plan local, la culture s’est peu à peu imposée au cœur des territoires comme un facteur essentiel de développement visant tout autant à accroitre l’attractivité qu’à garantir la cohésion sociale. En outre, les villes ont induit un rapprochement des centres de décision vers le citoyen afin de mieux prendre en compte les besoins et réalités spécifiques au territoire. Elles se sont ainsi emparées des notions de proximité et de gouvernance, qu’elles s’efforcent de mettre en œuvre au travers de dispositifs participatifs variés. Les municipalités pourraient alors initier le changement en matière de gouvernance culturelle et ainsi favoriser un processus d’égalisation des légitimités. Dans un mouvement inverse dit bottom-up, les citadins sont susceptibles de proposer des formes originales de co-construction de l’action publique. Nous proposons, dans une approche comparative, d’observer les dynamiques participatives dans le champ culturel et d’en apprécier la portée politique et sociale. / Since the 1990s, the concept of participation has made a comeback in civil society but also in the political sphere as a generalization of public debate. Intrinsically linked to the process of individuation in contemporary society, the "participatory imperative" has gradually gained policymakers’ attention, therefore questioning the traditional way, based on elective legitimacy, that public action is implemented.Like other public policy, cultural policy is also facing the issue of citizen participation in the public decision process. Concepts of cultural democracy and more recently the ones of diversity and cultural rights have come to affirm people legitimacy to contribute effectively to the development of a shared political project.In spite of this, cultural policy seems to be inadequately prepared to face the participatory issue. The ideal of cultural democratization, which has legitimized government intervention in the cultural field since the creation of the Ministry of Culture, has also induced a strong hierachical system at the expense of citizens, further compromising the emergence of a new framework.However, the process of decentralization of public action has made municipalities a major producer of cultural policy. Culture has gradually become a key factor in local development aimed at both increasing attractiveness and ensuring social cohesion. In addition, cities have had to narrow the gap between decision centers and citizens in order to take into account the territory special needs and realities. They have embraced the notions of proximity and governance, and strive to implement them through various participatory devices. In support of these factors, municipalities could then initiate a change in governance and promote equalization in cultural legitimacies. In a bottom-up perspective, citizens are likely to provide new forms of co-construction regarding public policy. In a comparative approach, we propose to observe local participatory dynamics in the cultural field and assess their political and social impact.

ABSTRACT The purpose of the project research was to investigate the impact of the Zambian 2003 national cultural policy on the performing arts industry with specific reference to working conditions both in the public and private domains in Zambia. It is also an effort to assess the efficacy of the cultural policy within a broader policy environment. Generally, two categories of performing artists namely the publicly and privately sponsored exist in Zambia. Two sample groups representing the two categories of performing artists were consulted in the study. The publicly sponsored sample was drawn from the uniformed services and the national dance troupe while the privately sponsored performers were represented by a selection of performers who do not work in the civil service. The methodology included field and desk research in which social-scientific and humanistic methods involving structured and semi-structured interviews were used, coupled with the use of textual materials from employment and performance contracts, civil service terms of employment, the National Arts Council Act, national arts associations’ constitutions, cultural and labour policies among others. The results revealed mixed reactions from all the respondents with regard to the research question; however it became apparent that the policy had not positively impacted on the industry as the negative responses outweighed the positive feedback. Despite the policy theoretically addressing a number of issues in the arts industry, it was very difficult to practically implement the strategies therein successfully. A number of reasons can be advanced for the inefficiency such as lack of matching sectoral legislation to enforce the policy and the absence of a union to complement government’s efforts. It was further discovered that to some extent, the formulation of the policy was rushed and did not very well fit into the traditional perspectives of the people about the arts industry. This reinforces the question of whether is it necessary for all nations to have cultural policies when supporting institutional and legal frameworks are not in place. The Zambian case reveals the pitfalls in legislating culture. 1