Despite increased diversity noted in undergraduate education in recent years (Antonio, 2003), students from non-majority groups continue to be underrepresented in graduate school. Many research studies (Perna, 2000, 2004; Perna & Titus, 2005; Rowan-Kenyon, 2007; Walpole, 2003, 2007b) have used measures of cultural and social capital to increase the explanatory power of the traditional econometric framework in college choice models, but have not used these sociological variables as a primary focus. The purpose of this correlational study was to explore the influence of cultural capital and social capital on the decision of bachelor’s degree completers to enter graduate school and ultimately to degree achievement. The study is an extension of Perna’s 2004 work, which examined similar relationships of cultural and social capital variables via use of the Baccalaureate & Beyond: 93/97 study. Based on Walpole’s findings (2003), variables related to socioeconomic status (SES) were also included in my analysis. The data used to answer the research questions were collected as part of a longitudinal study, the Baccalaureate & Beyond: 93/03. Participants in the Baccalaureate & Beyond: 93/03 study were students in the U.S. who earned a bachelor’s degree during the 1992-1993 academic year, representing a population of 1.2 million individuals (Choy, Bradburn, & Carroll, 2008). My findings revealed that measures of cultural and social capital have a significant influence on graduate school enrollment and degree completion. Among low SES students (as designated by family income) cultural and social capital variables substantially increased the likelihood of graduate degree attainment.

Diverse populations of students in public schools have led to differences in how the phrase parental involvement is understood. The problem at one local elementary preparatory school in urban Southern California was this varied understanding on what parental involvement entailed, specifically in school activities. The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions of parents, teachers, and administrators regarding parental involvement and the influence of parental involvement on student academic progress. Bandura's theory of self-efficacy and Lee and Bowen's theory of social and cultural capital provided lenses into parental involvement and students' academic progress. A qualitative case study design was used with a purposeful sample of 5 parents, 8 teachers, and 3 administrators of 4th and 5th grade students at this preparatory elementary school. Individual interviews were transcribed and then subjected to constant comparative analysis until theoretical saturation occurred. Interpretations were then member-checked to ensure their credibility. Findings indicated all participants believed parental involvement was essential for students' academic progress, but differed in their views of the term itself. Parents believed involvement was ensuring homework completion, teachers believed parental involvement should be parent's engagement in every aspect of their child's life, and administrators believed parents were involved when they participated in school-wide committees. This project study is significant because the findings can be used by the local site leadership team to create workshops for parents, teachers, and administrators to help develop a common understanding of parental involvement and the influence parental involvement can have on student academic progress.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Building cultural understanding through cultural exchange. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-111).

Abstract Title: Last Exit? A Study of Prison Sentenced Recidivists’ Subsequently Choice to Make Use of Criminals Return Into Society (KRIS) as a Resource in Order to Terminate the Criminal Lifestyle  Author: Jimmy Karlsson  A point of departure for this essay is my and my co-author’s bachelor thesis The Refuse to Walk More Yards Prison Corridor.   The purpose of the present essay is to illuminate in which conditions the organization KRIS (Criminals Return Into Society) develops from being directly or indirectly realizable to being a realized resource for recidivists who have served several prison sentences. The theoretical basis is Caroline Tovatt’s concepts potential, realizable and realized resources combined with Pierre Bourdieu’s capital metaphors and Mark S. Granovetter’s concept of strong and weak ties. To illustrate the process that led the interviewees (which I have interviewed from a life story perspective) to the realization of KRIS as a resource and ultimately the ending of the criminal lifestyle, I have used Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaughs stage theory of the role exit process.   The results indicate that recidivists’ choice to realize the resource KRIS has been occasioned by a specific composition of necessary components and a social capital. The necessary components are represented by negative life experiences which via a transformation in three stages have resulted in making KRIS available as a resource for the interviewees. The social capital in turn, which has to interact with the necessary components, is represented by weak and negative ties subsequently remodeled into positive ones. These ties have paved the way for the interviewees to access the organization. To finally fulfill the role exit process the interviewees have to possess or acquire an embodied cultural capital which allows them to differentiate and maintain all aspects linked to the previous and the current role, both to themselves and also to other individuals.

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This thesis challenges core assumptions associated with the peer production of culture using the web-based collaborative film production platform Wreckamovie to understand how peer production works in practice. Active cultural participation is a growing political priority for many governments and cultural bodies, but these priorities are often implemented without a basis in empirical evidence, making it necessary for rigorous scholarship to tackle emerging networked cultural production. Existing work portrays peer production efforts as unrealistically distinct from proprietary, market-based production, incorrectly suggesting that peer production allows distributed, non-monetarily motivated, collaboration between self-selected individuals in hierarchy-free communities. In overcoming these assumptions, this thesis contributes to the development of a consolidated theoretical framework encompassing the complicated and multifaceted nature of networked cultural production. This theoretical framing extends Bourdieu’s theory of cultural production and reconciles it with Becker’s Art Worlds framework, and further embeds and draws on Benkler’s notion of commons-based peer production. Concretely, this research tackles the emergence of new collaborative production models enabled by networked technologies, and theorizes the tensions and challenges characterizing such production forms. Secondly, this thesis redefines cultural participation and considers the divisions of labour in online filmmaking materializing from the interactions between professional and non-professional filmmakers. Finally, this study considers the social economies surrounding networked cultural production, including crowdfunding, and characterizes associated conversions of capital, such as the conversion of symbolic capital into financial capital. Methodologically, this thesis employs an embedded case study strategy. It examines four feature film productions facilitated by the online platform Wreckamovie, as well as the online community within which these productions are embedded. The four production cases have completed all production stages, and have resulted in completed cultural goods during the course of data collection. This study’s findings were derived from two and half years of participant observations, interviews with 29 Wreckamovie community and production members, and the examination of archived production-related discourses (2006-2013). Ultimately, this study makes concrete proposals towards a theory of networked cultural production with clear policy implications.

I sought to find out whether this was a tension between artistic and commercial in the career of visual artists, and if so, how this tension was managed. In attempting to uncover information which could address the research question I undertook in-depth career history interviews with artists which covered their time at art school through to their current practice. The career history method was deliberately chosen in order to address the research question at a tangent as both the literature, and my own personal experience of the field of contemporary visual art, had suggested that the topic of artistic and commercial was a sensitive one. By framing the interviews around the experiences the artists had through the time period of their training and career, I was able to approach the research questions indirectly from the perspective of the artists. Through analysis of the interview transcripts the framework of Bourdieu's capitals arose as one that would capably explain the activities which the artists were undertaken and I used this as a framing device for the empirical chapters in the thesis. In exploring ideas of cultural, social and economic capitals in relation to how artists describe the activities they undertake during their career it became apparent that the broad structures of cultural capital needed further refinement in their application to the careers of visual artists. In the thesis I chose to elaborate further on the concept of artistic capital which has, until now, been unexplored by scholars. I have developed an understanding of artistic capital as a subcategory of cultural capital with particular application to the field of contemporary visual art – with the potential for wider application beyond the thesis. The three capitals of artistic, social and economic proved a capable structure for understanding whether there was a tension between artistic and commercial and how artists managed this. Through this research I have found that artists come to believe, during their early career and training through art school, that there is a tension between artistic and commercial as this is perpetuated by institutions and art world participants through their exclusion or dismissal of commercial aspects of the visual art field. Through their careers they come to realise that this tension is less prevalent than they thought and that they are able to manage these two aspects of artistic and commercial more effectively. However, artists continue to be faced with instances where this tension is imposed upon them by other art world players who perpetuate the belief that there is an inherent, unresolvable tension between artistic and commercial. These individuals attempt to shield artists from this perceived tension later in their careers when artists are already adept at managing the competing priorities of artistic and commercial without the two creating tension.