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Refugee youth are identified as a high risk group due to the likelihood of exposure to trauma (UNICEF, 1996) and frequent reports of anxiety, depression and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder(PTSD)(Ellis, MacDonald, Lincoln, & Cabral, 2008). However they tend to underutilize mental health services(Fenta, Hyman, & Noh, 2006). This study explored the ways in which educational cultural brokers support the psychological well-being of refugee youth. Using a qualitative case study (Merriam, 2009), four cultural brokers and three mental health practitioners were interviewed and data was analyzed thematically. Two broad themes were identified encompassing informal supports and formal supports. Sub-themes that represented informal supports were: (1) Facilitating cultural integration and sense of belonging, (2) Bridging to settlement services, and (3) Providing supportive counselling. Sub-themes describing formal supports were: (1) Facilitating referrals, (2) Educating, (3) Providing contextual information, and (4) Providing cultural interpretation. The practice implications of this research are discussed. / Counselling Psychology

The acquisition of the Indian land by the Cherokee Commission between 1890 to 1892 was a series of events that changed the future of many indian nations and parts of american history. In the midst of these great changes, Kiowa interpreter for the Cherokee commission: Joshua H Given, ended up in a controversial position. He was accused of having deliberately cheated and mislead the Indians to get them to sign the agreements to allot their land to the goverment. This led to several attempts by the Indian tribes to annul the agreements with the commission and the condemnation of Joshua Given by many Kiowas. This essay is an attempt to clarify parts of Joshua H Givens life, actions and death through a source-critical analysis of the sources used in the research of Joshua Given. The views of two historians, C. Blue Clark and William T. Hagan, is used to contrast and compare the actions and life of Given to get a fuller view of the complicity of this individual. Hagans views is more focused on the image of a trying mediator, while Clark focuses on the images of a deceiving interpreter, By the work and theories of Nancy L. Hagedorn and Margaret Connell Szasz on the cultural broker as an cultural intermediate, Givens complexe relation to the clashing cultures and tradition of his own Kiowa nation and his newly learned western and Christian culture can be undersood as a failiure to gain the extremely important trust required for such mediation between the parties.

Dans la dernière décennie, une abondante littérature a documenté la situation des Rroms d'Europe Centrale et de l'Est, où a émergé une nouvelle élite politiquement activiste. Mais chez les Tsiganes d'Europe de l'Ouest, l’activisme politique d’une élite semblait absent. Cette étude de terrain a été réalisée chez Gitans de Perpignan, à la recherche d’une action et d’une élite politique chez ce groupe, dans le contexte culturel d’une société segmentaire à pouvoir diffus, frappée d’exclusion par la société majoritaire. En effet, je propose que le concept de société segmentaire puisse s’appliquer aux Gitans, et que l’exclusion des Gitans par les païos (non Gitans) constitue un déni de la réalité relationnelle des Gitans avec la majorité païa. Enfin, l’enquête a révélé la position de «médiateurs culturels» des différents agents qui interviennent entre le monde des Gitans et celui des païos. C’est à travers le rôle de «médiateurs culturels» qu’émerge peut-être une élite politique. / In the last decade, a wealth of literature has documented the situation of Rroma living in Central and Eastern Europe, in a context in which there has emerged new elite and new forms of political action. Among Western Europe’s Romani, political activism and elites seemed to be absent. This fieldwork has been done with certain types of elites among the Gypsies of Perpignan seeking to encourage political action, in the cultural context of a segmentary society with diffuse power which is faced with various forms of socio-economic exclusion by mainstream society. In this analysis, I suggest that exclusion by the païos (non Gypsies) is a denial of the relational reality of the Gypsies with the païa majority. Finally, this fieldwork has revealed the position of the cultural brokers, a role played by various agents intervening between Gypsies and non gypsies worlds. I argue that it is through the cultural broker’s role that political elite may emerge.

Dans la dernière décennie, une abondante littérature a documenté la situation des Rroms d'Europe Centrale et de l'Est, où a émergé une nouvelle élite politiquement activiste. Mais chez les Tsiganes d'Europe de l'Ouest, l’activisme politique d’une élite semblait absent. Cette étude de terrain a été réalisée chez Gitans de Perpignan, à la recherche d’une action et d’une élite politique chez ce groupe, dans le contexte culturel d’une société segmentaire à pouvoir diffus, frappée d’exclusion par la société majoritaire. En effet, je propose que le concept de société segmentaire puisse s’appliquer aux Gitans, et que l’exclusion des Gitans par les païos (non Gitans) constitue un déni de la réalité relationnelle des Gitans avec la majorité païa. Enfin, l’enquête a révélé la position de «médiateurs culturels» des différents agents qui interviennent entre le monde des Gitans et celui des païos. C’est à travers le rôle de «médiateurs culturels» qu’émerge peut-être une élite politique. / In the last decade, a wealth of literature has documented the situation of Rroma living in Central and Eastern Europe, in a context in which there has emerged new elite and new forms of political action. Among Western Europe’s Romani, political activism and elites seemed to be absent. This fieldwork has been done with certain types of elites among the Gypsies of Perpignan seeking to encourage political action, in the cultural context of a segmentary society with diffuse power which is faced with various forms of socio-economic exclusion by mainstream society. In this analysis, I suggest that exclusion by the païos (non Gypsies) is a denial of the relational reality of the Gypsies with the païa majority. Finally, this fieldwork has revealed the position of the cultural brokers, a role played by various agents intervening between Gypsies and non gypsies worlds. I argue that it is through the cultural broker’s role that political elite may emerge.