Thesis (M. P. A.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2009. / "Spring 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 60-63).

Cultural policy theory operates on a division between producers and the public. Dualisms, such as producer/consumer – or, in more nuanced circles, the triadic relationship of consumer/producer/owner – have had a structuring effect on the way in which we envision cultural policy theories. At its core, the producer/consumer dualism implies subjectivities – that is to say that it defines positions in relationships between socio-political actors/actresses. At the governmental level, such clear-cut subject positions are perceptible beyond theories, entering into the actual practice of policy-making to the point where certain policies structure the notion of the public (or consumers), and the producers and/or owners. Copyright law, for instance, represents a good example of such an ideational construct. As a form of cultural policy, copyright law seeks to define the rights of producers with regards to their productions. Consequently, this thesis aims at exploring the forms of agency that develop and challenge both the practice and theoretical constructs of cultural policy. Two aspects command us to question anew these boundaries, one based on contemporary social and technical transformations (the rise of the digital age), and one based on cultural practice (in this case, those of fans and fandoms).Borrowing from theories of cultural studies and Foucauldian approaches to discourse analysis, this thesis explored the emerging discourses surrounding fans and their use of copyrighted material via the internet. Putting emphasis on three fandoms that have had marked histories of fan activism and fan production via the use of copyrighted material – Star Trek, Firefly, and Harry Potter – this paper investigated fans’ use of copyrighted material in developing fan cultures and as a vehicle for their discursive practices. These cases illustrate how fans have challenged the established repertoires of subjects in cultural policy (making and theory), and how their form of agency represents an interesting case of resistance to the rise of the cultural industries conception of cultural policy.

Cultural policy research typically emphasises national and local policies in its studies, while studies of subnational and regional policies tend to be less common. Between the levels of country and city, however, there is a vast array of cultural policy-types that is often cast aside or underrepresented in the literature – this, despite the fact that a number of prominent subnational governments of national minorities have been extremely active in developing their own cultural policies and institutions. Unlike their national or local counterparts, however, these subnational governments often contend with an additional layer of complexity when developing cultural policies, as their history and their population differ from that of their country’s cultural majority – which often leads to a different understanding and appreciation of their cultural identity and sense of nationalism. It is with this complexity and difference in mind that this thesis examines the cultural policies developed and implemented by subnational governments expressing a different national identity from that of their country – in particular, the Canadian province of Québec, the United Kingdom nation of Scotland, and the Spanish region of Catalonia – with the purpose of exploring the ways in which cultural policies are used to shape and influence a sense of cultural identity. Drawing on the economies of worth framework elaborated by Boltanski and Thévenot and the theory of governmentality developed by Foucault, this thesis developed a type analysis of cultural policy for national minorities as a means of exploring not only the ways in which their policies differ from that of their majority counterparts, but to offer a unique understanding of their culture and cultural/social predicament. Through its type analysis, this thesis found that the cultural policies of national minorities exhibited a unique trend in terms of: their application of the cultural industries as vehicles for the development and growth of their cultural/national identities; their support of culture and art as drivers of economic development and social cohesion; and their appraisal of artists and cultural producers as symbolic and literal ambassadors of cultural identity both nationally and internationally. More specifically, far from simply introducing policies that endeavour to preserve and protect cultural traditions and heritages as it has long been suspected, national minorities are developing policies that emphasise the creative aspects of culture and seek to grow their cultures identities through the production and dissemination of new works or forms of culture and art. In other words, the cultural policies of national minorities exhibit a discursive temporality: there is an acute awareness and appreciations of the culture of the past, juxtaposed by approaches to culture that seek to ensure the culture continues (and evolves) beyond the present.

Les deux décennies bornées par la Première et la Seconde Guerres mondiales furent une période particulièrement prospère pour les échanges culturels entre France et Roumanie. La situation politique et l’orientation diplomatique des deux pays concourent alors à renforcer les liens qui les unissent. La fin de la Première Guerre mondiale est marquée par l’achèvement du processus d’union nationale en Roumanie, et la création d’une entité territoriale élargie : la Grande Roumanie. Au même moment, la France, principal allié de la Roumanie, s’impose au cœur de la politique continentale. Entre les deux pays, des relations culturelles qui remontent à la fin du XVIIIe siècle s’intensifient, pour atteindre leur apogée avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ces relations reposent tout à la fois sur des initiatives personnelles, institutionnelles et étatiques, et bénéficient fortement du resserrement des relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Roumanie. Soucieuses de développer leur influence, la France et la Roumanie financent considérablement leur activité culturelle. La France, tout particulièrement, développe une politique de rayonnement, et s’appuie pour cela sur une opinion publique roumaine gagnée depuis longtemps à la francophilie ; dans un même temps, la présence roumaine s’affirme à Paris : la ville attire écrivains et artistes roumains. Fondée sur la lecture et l’analyse d’un ensemble de sources archivistiques disponibles (archives nationales, archives diplomatiques, archives privées, en France et en Roumanie), notre étude vise à restituer l’intensité et la densité des échanges culturels entre la France et la Roumanie pendant l’entre-deux guerres. / The two decades between the First and the Second World Wars were a thriving period for the cultural exchanges between France and Romania. The political situation and the diplomatic orientation of the two countries converged in reinforcing the ties between them. The end of the First World War was marked by the completion of the national unification process in Romania and the creation of a larger territorial entity: the Great Romania. Meanwhile, France, Romania’s main ally, imposed itself in the centre of the continental politics. Started at the end of the 18th century, the cultural relations between the two countries intensified and reached a peak before the Second World War. These relations were built on personal, institutional as well as on State initiatives and they highly benefited from the tightening of the political relations between France and Romania. Concerned about developing their influence, France and Romania financially backed their cultural activity. France, in particular, developed a policy of rayonnement that was supported by the public opinion long drawn to francophilia. Meanwhile, the Romanian presence became more important in Paris: the city attracted Romanian writers and artists. Based on the reading and analysis of the body of the available sources (national archives, diplomatic archives, private archives in both France and Romania), our study aims at reconstituting the intensity and density of the cultural exchanges between France and Romania during the inter-war period.

Orientadora: Fabiana Lopes da Cunha / Banca: Antonio Simplicio de Almeida Neto / Banca: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Ronaldo Cardoso Alves / Banca: Alexandre de Sá Avelar / Resumo: Esta tese apresenta a trajetória do polígrafo e historiador João Ribeiro (1860-1934) durante a Primeira República Brasileira (1889-1930). Analisando sua biografia e as principais obras pretende-se reavaliar a atuação desse importante homem de letras e suas contribuições à historiografia brasileira de então, bem como sua atuação no Ensino de História, em especial como autor de livros didáticos. Além disso, este estudo põe em foco os debates intelectuais acerca da identidade nacional brasileira em um período marcado pela prevalência de uma cultura cosmopolita nos países ocidentais destacando a contribuição de João Ribeiro para a área / Abstract: This thesis presents the trajectory of the polygraph and historian João Ribeiro (1860- 1934) during the First Brazilian Republic (1889-1930). Analyzing his biography and the main works, it is intended to reevaluate the performance of this important man of letters and his contributions to the Brazilian historiography of that time, as well as his performance in History Teaching, especially as author of textbooks. In addition, this study focuses on intellectual debates about Brazilian national identity in a period marked by the prevalence of a cosmopolitan culture in western countries highlighting the contribution of João Ribeiro to the area / Doutor

Research on museum policy often focuses on provincial or national museums, which are typically government agencies. These institutions are directly accountable to government and have an articulated role in an explicit federal or provincial museum policy. However, most Canadian museums are community museums – that is, nonprofit or municipal museums that collect and interpret locally relevant materials and have public programs targeting the community in which they are based. Community museums’ relationships with government(s) differ due to their legal structures (municipal, nonprofit), relatively small budgets, and limited number of staff. Within museum policy, community museums are distinct because they lack a direct relationship with a provincial or national government. Yet, in Canada, all levels of government are involved in their governance through regulatory and supportive activities. In particular, provincial governments have included community museums in museum policies, which tend to focus on professionalization, standards of operation, and simplifying access to resources. In other words, policies targeting community museums often subject them to norms, aiming to establish parameters and best practices for their operations. These actions seek to define and shape community museums, which raises the question: how are these policies (re)created, (re)assembled, and coordinated? Using archival research and interviews, this thesis documents community museum governance in Ontario, where provincial museum advisors and associations emerged as museum professionals embedded in policy development and implementation in the 1950s. Considering the advisors and associations’ service delivery and advocacy activities, actor-network theory (ANT) is used to discuss their work assembling and coordinating policy for Ontario’s community museums. Their work distinguishes community museum governance from the governance of national or provincial institutions because they define and establish norms, contribute to change in governance, and enact ongoing change as they (re)assemble resources for community museums. The advisors and associations have facilitated relationships between museums and actors related to museums’ work as educational institutions, sites of local action, tourism operators, agents of social change, and collecting institutions, resulting in multiple configurations of actors supporting and regulating museum activities. This thesis has found the advisors and associations historically worked for a museum community to address its needs, resulting in written policy and museums’ inclusion in government instruments. These established instruments have, to some extent, reduced the need for ongoing advocacy by targeting museums with a clear objective and normalizing museums’ participation in policy areas outside of culture. However, these instruments also reflect and reinforce historic inequities in community museum governance, privileging municipal museums with historic access to provincial support and, as a result, the capacity to advocate for their own interest through an association. Responding to growing government disinterest, the provincial museum association has refocused its efforts from defining a community in need to defining a sector that contributes to society and the economy through partnerships that can address diverse policy objectives.

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Between 2016 and 2023 the Brazilian Ministry of Culture (MinC) was abolished and reinstated twice. This dissertation explores how disputes about the nature of democracy in Brazil have coalesced around ‘culture’ over recent years by examining a set of progressive cultural policies that have been implemented since 2004 in the context of the first Workers’ Party administration under Gilberto Gil as the Minister of Culture. Amongst these policies is the program Pontos de Cultura which marked the first time the Brazilian state took measures to actively secure the cultural rights of historically marginalized sectors of the population. The focus on securing and actualizing rights explicitly locates the program within the horizon of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, also referred to as the Citizen Constitution, which extended a set of socioeconomic rights to actors who had not have these guaranteed previously. Aimed at grassroots institutions engaging in some form of cultural activity (ranging from community memory projects to theatre troupes and blocos de carnaval), Pontos de Cultura offered financial support to selected initiatives and designated them as pontos de cultura (‘cultural points’). By 2012, several thousands of such pontos existed all over Brazil. Based on 22 months of ethnographic fieldwork and archival research between 2015 and 2019 at pontos de cultura in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro (including the municipalities of the Baixada Fluminense, the neighboring city of Niterói and the countryside of the state) as well as amongst policy makers and administrators, this dissertation analyzes the singular dynamic which the program developed in the urban peripheries in the state of Rio de Janeiro and the forms of political imagination it has given rise to. The policies under study explicitly proposed a critical engagement with existing concepts of ‘culture’ in Brazil. By tracing the different connotations that ‘culture’ has acquired over time and in relation to different political moments, the dissertation demonstrates how the conceptual associations between culture and the nation, culture and the state as well as culture and democracy in Brazil have made cultural policy a potent catalyst for novel ways in which actors from the urban peripheries articulate claims to the state, as well as a central site of dispute about the moral future of the country.

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No description available.