This thesis uses a "strategic culture" approach to gain insights into non-nuclear weapon outcomes in Australia, South Africa and Sweden. Strategic culture refers to the ideational and cultural pre-dispositions possessed by states towards military strategic issues. The theoretical aim for this research is to explore the various conceptions of strategic culture offered in the literature and to evaluate the potential benefits of conducting strategic cultural research. Strategic Studies has traditionally been dominated by realist theories, which typically provide rationalist materialist explanations for outcomes. This thesis highlights the relevance of domestic strategic cultural context to strategic decision-making and, in the process, explores the potential inadequacies of non-cultural strategic analysis. It will be contended that strategic culture is illsuited to provide an alternative theory to explain causes of outcomes. Instead it provides an approach for investigating the "cultural conditions of possibility" for strategic decision-making. These will be seen as constituting the assumptions made by theories that pursue rationalist materialist ontologies. Non-nuclear weapon outcomes are potentially problematic for realist explanations by suggesting instances of states not maximising their power by acquiring the most powerful weaponry. This thesis focuses on non-nuclear decision-making in Australia, South Africa and Sweden. In each case it is possible to identify distinctive strategic cultural proclivities which have shaped perceptions of security-material factors. The aim is therefore to provide a thick description of these cultural tendencies and to explore how they affect nuclear decision-making. This will provide insights into why the non-cultural accounts which dominate the literature on these non-nuclear outcomes, might be inadequate. Equally, it will emphasise the value of pursuing a strategic culture approach.

The Historia Francorum oui ceperunt Iherusalem is an eyewitness account of the First Crusade, written by a Provencal priest, Raymond of Aguilers, who accompanied the Count of Toulouse on the Crusade. As such it is an important primary source for the History of the First Crusade. Only ten manuscripts of the work of Raymond of Aguilers have survived, and the main purpose of this thesis has been, by collating these manuscripts, to restore the original text as written by Raymond of Aguilers. The evidence and reasoning which have led the present editor to construct the text herein contained, are to be found in the Critical Introduction. The work of Raymond of Aguilers has twice been previously edited: by Jaques Bongars in his collection of Crusader sources, the Gesta Dei per Francos (Hanover 1611); by various editors of the Academie Royale des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres in their collection of Crusader sources, the Recueil des Historiens des Croisades; Historiens Occidentaux, (Paris, 1856). These editions are both, however, unsatisfactory, and the present text is the first to be constructed using all the known manuscripts of the work of Raymond of Aguilers. The Historia Francorum has always raised considerable difficulties of interpretation when it has been used as a source for the First Crusade. Recent work has tended to reduce these difficulties. In the Historical Introduction the editor has tried to give an account of the latest research, and to offer his suggestions as to how the Historia Francorum may best be used. The Historical Introduction has another purpose; in preparing the text it has been found necessary to take some account of the purposes and outloot of Raymond of Aguilers. Various matters of special interest, such as Raymond of Aguilers use of other eyewitness accounts of the First Crusade, have been dealt with in the Appendices.

Developing from the recent surge of interest in the Royalist cause during the Civil Wars, this thesis explores the question of how Royalists were portrayed in the press between 1637 and 1646. It addresses the question through textual analysis and specifically examines printed material in an effort to investigate the construction of Royalist identity as well as the peculiarities of Royalist discourse. At its most fundamental level, this thesis seeks to address the issue of Royalist identity, and in doing so suggests that it was predicated on an inconsistent and problematic form of English patriotism. According to the argument presented here, Charles I led a cause that was supposed to protect and champion the core institutions and cultural norms upon which the very nature of Englishness rested. Royalism existed to preserve England from what were perceived as the foreign and anti-English agendas of Parliament. An underlying argument in this thesis is that Royalist print aspired to define and anchor language, with the implication that textual meaning was solidly formed and unquestionable. Royalist text, unlike that of Parliament, was supposed to represent truth, effectively rendering Royalist print a force for stability in an increasingly chaotic world. Alongside its focus on the ways in which the Royalist press tried to fashion an English identity for the King’s supporters, this thesis also explores the image of the cavalier stereotype. It aims not to debunk such a stereotype, but to explore the implications behind it and show how they challenged and undermined the Royalists’ Englishness.

Puritans entered a novel position of power in the early 1640s. Their attempts to ‘combat’ heretics and further reform in the 1640s/50s were impeded by the dismantling of legal and ecclesiastical apparatus previously employed against them. Influential Presbyterians and Independents in Parliament, the Westminster Assembly, and the New Model Army, were also divided over defining orthodoxy, enforced conformity to a national Church and liberty of conscience. Chapter one addresses crucial developments in defining and punishing heresy, in the Early Church, and in England, from the first noted burning of a heretic under Henry IV up until the outbreak of Civil War. Existing fractures within Puritanism intensified as lapsed censorship produced an explosion of new or public heterodox ideas. Chapter two explores disagreements over legitimate means of reform and establishing ‘truth’, by examining the case of anti-Trinitarian Paul Best which initiated a Parliamentary Ordinance to enable execution of obstinate heretics. This legislation generated public controversy, especially in print. Chapter three addresses the significance of preaching, fasting and prayer as spiritual means to oppose heresy, and emphasis on collective national responsibility and repentance. Particular attention is paid to the Humiliation for heresy on 10 March 1647. Chapter four compares the differing political and ecclesiological contexts which produced the Heresy Ordinance and the 1650 Blasphemy Act, especially a shift from Presbyterian to Independent dominance in positions of government. The Rump settlement was predominantly shaped by a magisterial Independent vision of reform. Chapter five addresses Interregnum problems with enforcing the Blasphemy Act and upholding liberty offered in the Instrument of Government. The cases of Socinian John Biddle and Quaker James Nayler reveal fears of unrestricted definitions of heresy, and rigidly defined orthodoxy. Overall across these decades, concerns to avoid establishing precedents which could endanger the godly prevented systematic suppression of heresy and blasphemy.

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Though the debate surrounding the extent to which pessimism dominated in the late nine-teenth century asylum is extensive, the same debate in the twentieth century remains un-der-explored. Relatively few academics have offered a cross-century analysis that goes beyond the beginning of the First World War to analyse the twentieth century and none of these studies have explored how changes were implemented in the institutions in the West Riding of Yorkshire. This thesis attempts to redress this imbalance by offering an original analysis of a selection of developments and innovations that were carried out in the West Riding of Yorkshire between the years 1888-1938. Consideration is given to four specific innovations and an analysis is made of how successful these new develop-ments were with relation to the eradication of the stigmas of pauperism and certification. Innovations relating to how to segregate mentally deficient children and adults and ser-vice patients will be assessed, along with the establishment of outpatient departments and the local implementation of the 1930 Mental Treatment Act. By offering an analysis of these developments this thesis contributes to our understanding of how successful these social and legal changes were in the administration of mental health care throughout these years. Primarily this thesis is concerned with an analysis of these different innovations and an observation of the impact that these attempts at change had on the patients. Wherever possible close attention is given to the voices of the patients and their families in order to assess their roles in accessing the services provided. This thesis argues that these innova-tions represent significant legal and social changes in the administration and admission of the mentally ill over the years covered. Despite this however, this thesis identifies that these changes were all beset with many inherent problems, usually linked to a lack of fi-nance and overcrowded institutions, which meant that they were all significantly limited in their capacity to change the system for all but a small minority of sufferers of mental illness and learning disability.

The focus of this thesis is an investigation of secondary school history in post-genocide Rwanda. The thesis addresses a knowledge gap by examining the 2008 O-level Rwandan history curriculum as a case of a post-genocide secondary school history curriculum. The issues surrounding the construction of the 2008 O-level history curriculum and the wider opportunities and challenges of teaching and learning history in Rwandan schools are addressed. The research is located in the field of literature that investigates school history in different post-genocide and post-conflict countries and the connections between history education, conflict, peace and reconciliation. Research involved two periods of fieldwork in Rwanda of 11 weeks and 16 weeks respectively. During this time curriculum documents were collected and field-notes taken. Also, interviews were conducted with Rwandan policy-makers (3), secondary history teacher-educators (5) and secondary history student-teachers (10). Informal discussions were held with four additional policy-makers. The empirical research was related to the research question: What opportunities and challenges does teaching history face in post-genocide Rwanda - perceptions of what, why and how history is taught to secondary school pupils? A thematic analysis of the data resulted in three key inter-related findings. Firstly, there are competing policy visions and curriculum processes at the heart of the 2008 O-level secondary school history curriculum. Secondly, the memory of the 1994 genocide is central to the 2008 O-level history curriculum construction (policy), mediation (teacher-educators) and implementation (student-teachers). Finally, and related to finding two above, limited learner-centeredness in student-teachers’ classroom practice demonstrates how the legacy of the Rwandan 1994 genocide impacts on the delivery of the 2008 O-level history curriculum. Based on these findings the thesis makes three original contributions to knowledge. The legacy of the genocide in terms of post-genocide fears of future violence and aspirations for unity and reconciliation needs to be at the centre of our understanding of school history curriculum reform in post-genocide Rwanda. Also, over 20 years after the 1994 genocide the on-going emotional legacy of the genocide in the classroom shapes the classroom practice of a new and university trained generation of history teachers. Yet, student-teacher classroom practice also challenges the uniform depiction of teacher-led history teaching by writers, suggesting a more complex history classroom reality. Finally, this is the first empirical study to use the theoretical framework of ‘unity in homogeneity’, ‘unity in diversity’ and ‘diversity’ approaches to frame and investigate the opportunities and challenges the teaching of history faces in post-genocide Rwanda.

Shipwreck in the first half of the nineteenth century had been an on-going national tragedy. It was not officially quantified until the 185O's when it was found that 1025 ships a year on average were lost, the consequent destruction of life averaged 830 persons a year, with an annual loss to the country representing some 1.5m. There had been a devastating loss to the maritime strength of Britain since the close of the Napoleonic Wars. The response to this on-going national disaster was slow but eventually emerged principally in three areas: humanitarian, technical and political. The humanitarian driven reform came from amongst other sources by way of incentives to inventors from the Royal Humane Society, the formation and establishment of a lifeboat service and a general up-swelling of opinion by exposure to pamphlets and newspapers against the evils of shipwreck. The technical response came as inventors and builders sought to find new forms of construction in ships, lifeboats, life-saving equipment and safety equipment amongst others. Politically, the increasing use of the select committee to bring facts before the public and parliament served as the basis of much reform in nineteenth century England, the 1836 Inquiry into the causes of shipwreck, the 1839 Inquiry into the losses of timber-laden ships and the 1843 Inquiry into the causes of shipwreck being the major exposers of malpractice. The object of this thesis and the major research question is to assess the principal strengths and directions of these responses as the climate of opinion changed and reforms albeit piecemeal came about. The work begins with an outline of the situation as it affected different parts of the coast and some of the localised responses to shipwreck. Using the 1836 Inquiry as the basis for establishing the causes of the problems, itself a new datum point in maritime history as it was the instigating basis for change, the nature of shipwreck and course of reform is traced through the following two decades up until the unifying 'great' Merchant Shipping Act of 1854.

Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservatism. This is particularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were better served by these groups. This thesis explores the participation of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservative workers understand and express their interests, and why did they identify the supposed ‘enemies of the left’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservative workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formation of 'non-left' political identities? These questions are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of left-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed particular elements of mass political culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservative workers were a rational and complex product of their own experience. They were formed by a large range of materials, from preconceived attitudes to issues such as gender and race, to the everyday experience of bullying and intimidation on the factory floor. This thesis shows that workers could conceive of their interests in a number of different ways, and chose from a range of different groups to try and further them.

The Temperance Movement was one of the most important and influential of the great nineteenth century social and moral reforming campaigns, firmly integrated with the central Victorian values of self-help, hard work and sobriety. As the values of the Victorian period dissipated with the rapidly changing social and ethical mores during the twentieth century, most historians have seen a similar demise in the role of the Temperance Movement. The drink question, however, remained a significant issue with two Royal Commissions, unprecedented state intervention during the First World War and innumerable bills and legislative debate between 1895 and 1933. Equally, the Temperance Movement maintained its resolve, resolutely campaigning and lobbying, proving itself to still be a key factor in the drink debate. This thesis studies the role and activity of the Temperance Movement in the continuing natioal concern around drink between 1895 and the Peel Commission to the conclusion of the Amulree Commission in 1933. The thesis concentrates on the major temperance societies and examines their effect on English attitudes to the drink question. Despite its continued activity, the Temperance Movement failed to make a significant mark on policy toward drink during this period. The reasons for this are several - loss of political support, the changing nature of drink issues, and fragmentation in the Movement. The Temperance Movement was very heterogeneous, some organisations seeking moderate reform or moral suasion but the more radical campaigners demanded central or local prohibition. Such demands were the root cause of temperance division and a large factor in the loss of Liberal political support. With the Conservatives tied to the Trade, the Temperance Movement sought the assistance of the Labour Party but Labour's response during the period was vague and indecisive. Social and moral arguments used by the Temperance Movement in its attempt to secure the abolition of the drink trade were being steadily eroded as secularism, post war cynicism and a huge increase in leisure activities undermined older values. Demand for alcoholic beverages fell dramatically as did reported cases of drunkenness. Despite these changes drink remained on the political and social agenda, but with many temperance reformers disillusioned and dispirited the Movement failed to present a comprehensive and coherent abolition strategy.