The internship with the Management Services Division of the Office of the City Manager in Dallas, Texas, provided opportunities to observe and participate in management and supervisory techniques and practices. The administrative environment of the Office of the City Manager provided the opportunities to assist the three Assistant Managers in the performance of their respective activities. Projects and assignments were discussed with these officials as were the personal views of administration and supervision of each Assistant Manager. The major portion of the internship was spent researching and writing reports on different projects assigned by the Assistant Managers. Research techniques, leadership theories, and interviewing concepts were practiced and tested.

By the early 1900s, ambitious business leaders were transforming Dallas, Texas into a rising commercial metropolis. However, the problems created by rapid urban growth spawned demands from all classes of citizens upon local government for more public improvements and services. When city government failed to meet these demands, many citizens began to seek a more responsive governmental system. Their search led to the establishment of a commission government which, like the modern business corporation, delegated authority to competent, well-paid administrators. Civic reformers hoped that the new system would represent overall community interests. However, Dallas business leaders, believing that continued urban expansion depended upon a city government attuned to business interests, organized a political movement which won them control of the city commission.

Abstract: The civic life-styles typology of Charles Adrian and Oliver Williams was tested as to its theoretical utility in explaining empirical patterns of civic life-style items, and its comparability to other forms of urban behavior. The data are from a 1970 survey of 3,025 families by the City of Dallas, Texas. An exploratory factor analysis was done on civic life-style items. The factor index scores were used as dependent variables, and demographic and associational items were independent variables in a step-wise regression analysis. Only two of ten factors were found to be civic lifestyles; both were interpretable using the Adrian and Williams typology. Civic life-style behavior was found to be similar to other patterns of differential participation in urban structures.

This dissertation examines the gay rights movement occurring in Dallas, Texas, from the mid-twentieth century to present day by focusing on the work of the Dallas Gay and Lesbian Alliance (DGLA), previously known as the Dallas Gay Political Caucus and the Dallas Gay Alliance. Members of that group utilized a methodology they called "the Dallas Way" that minimized mass protests and rallies in favor of using backroom negotiations with the people who could make the changes sought by the movement. The fact that most of the members of the DGLA were white, professional men aided in the success of their methodology. Particularly useful in this type of effort is the use of legal action. The Dallas community supported several lawsuits that attempted to overthrow various versions of sodomy laws in the Texas Penal Code that criminalized an entire population of gay men and lesbians in the state.

A participant-observer approach is utilized in a case study of Dallas, Texas, homeowners who organized to challenge city acquisition of their property for the expansion of the Fair Park State fairgrounds. From this study, a model of protest and political bias in urban politics is conceptualized. It is hypothesized that some individuals and groups are unable to place their demands, regardless of the extent of their organization and mobilization, on the governmental agenda. This inability to gain access to the decision-making arena is due to the existence of persistent and cumulative political biases. The biases are delineated as systemic, modes of operation, and ideological. Protest activity is a response by powerless groups to encountering these political biases.

This study is designed to evaluate the impact of citizen participation in the Goals for Dallas program on the establishment and accomplishment of the goals. Also evaluated are the impact of community leaders on the program, the extent and degree of citizen participation, factors which encouraged and discouraged participation, the impact of local media, and the impact on citizen participants of participating. Twenty-five specific findings are presented, based on the compilation and analysis of inputs received from the citizens and community leaders. Among the most important of these are as follows. 1) The extent of participation on the part of those citizens who did participate in the program was significant. 2) Related to the total adult population of the city, the extent of total citizen participation was small. 3) The program as designed and implemented did have a substantial impact in assisting to overcome citizen apathy in the city. 4) The key items which tended to encourage citizen participation were publicity, civic duty, neighborhood meetings, and personal rewards. 5) The general factors which discouraged citizen participation were general suspicion of the program, general apathy, lack of publicity, and a general suspicion of government. 6) Citizen participation had a significant impact on the establishment of goals, and citizen action did modify 60 percent of the originally proposed goals and created twelve new goals. 7) Citizen participation did have some. Impact on the accomplishment of goals, but this impact was relatively small. 8) The citizenry by a substantial majority believes that a misunderstanding exists between the citizens and the leadership concerning the role of citizen involvement in this program. 9) The citizen participants in this program believe that participation in this effort increased their competency as citizens. Based on the analysis and interpretation of data, comments, and opinions gathered during this study, ten conclusions are drawn. These conclusions cover the impact of citizens in the program, the favorable impact of the program process (bringing people together in pursuit of common goals), the degree of media support, and the lack of citizen knowledge in how to participate.

This study analyzes the rise of the 1920s Ku Klux Klan in Dallas, Texas, in the context of the national Klan. It looks at the circumstances and people behind the revival of the Klan in 1915. It chronicles the aggressive marketing program that brought the Klan to Dallas and shows how the Dallas Klavern then changed the course of the national Klan with its emphasis on politics. Specifically, this was done through the person of Hiram Wesley Evans, Dallas dentist and aspiring intellectual, who engineered a coup and took over the national Klan operations in 1922. Evans, as did Dallas's local Klavern number 66, emphasized a strong anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic ideology to recruit, motivate, and justify the existence of the Ku Klux Klan. The study finds that, on the local scene, the Dallas Klavern's leadership was composed of middle and upper-middle class businessmen. Under their leadership, the Klan engaged in a variety of fraternal and vigilante activities. Most remarkable, however, were its successful political efforts. Between 1922 and 1924, the Klan overthrew the old political hierarchy and controlled city and county politics to such a degree that only the Dallas school board escaped the Invisible Empire's domination. Klavern 66 also wielded significant control of state Klan operations and worked vigorously and with some success to elect Klan officials at the state level. As the dissertation shows, all of this occurred in the face of heavy and organized opposition from political elites and those who opposed the Klan on principle. Finally, the dissertation looks at the complex combination of factors that brought the Klan's influence to an end. National scandals, internal squabbles, political failures, and longsuffering opposition from the mainstream press chipped away at the public's favorable impression of the Klan. Successful immigration restriction, an improving economy, and a lessening of post-war social tensions reduced the Klan's attractiveness. As a result, national and local Dallas membership dropped precipitously after 1924, and the Klan's dominance in local politics faded as well.