(in English): The aim of the theses is to map the development of feminization of two main British political parties, Conservative and Labour party from the point of view of descriptive participation, i.e. women representation in the party and parliamentary structure. Incorporation of women organization into the party structure including also integration of women's concerns into the party manifesto is another topic presented in the text. Attitude towards women advancement and women enfranchisement based on the overall perception of women identity are also included. The second part of the thesis focuses on specific premiership period of Tony Blair and David Cameron with regards to the aspect of feminization mentioned above and legislative steps and their influence on life and position of women in wider society. As a part of the theses, the comparison of both terms of office, from the point of view of their attitudes towards women's issues and strategies of promoting women political participation, are involved.

Dès 2005 et son élection à la tête du Parti conservateur, David Cameron fit connaître son intention de réviser la politique étrangère britannique selon les principes du « conservatisme libéral ». Prenant ses distances avec le réalisme qui avait guidé les choix de Margaret Thatcher et de John Major aux lendemains de la guerre froide, Cameron associait la défense des intérêts nationaux et le maintien du rôle du Royaume-Uni sur la scène internationale avec le renouveau d’une tradition libérale, qu’il prenait cependant soin de distinguer des excès de l’interventionnisme dont avait fait preuve Tony Blair après 2001. Arrivés au pouvoir en mai 2010 au sein d’un gouvernement de coalition, les Conservateurs refusaient l’idée de tout repli stratégique, en dépit du décalage qui existait entre leurs ambitions et les moyens limités qu’ils étaient en mesure de consacrer à la politique de sécurité. Par le biais de l’analyse de deux études de cas : la signature d’accords de coopération bilatérale avec la France, le 2 novembre 2010, et l’intervention militaire en Libye de 2011, cette thèse examine les facteurs qui influencèrent les décisions prises par le nouveau gouvernement, ainsi que les mécanismes ayant conduit à leur adoption. Suivant une approche interprétiviste, ce travail étudie les traditions, c’est-à-dire l’héritage historique, dans lesquelles les actions du gouvernement de coalition s’inscrivirent, mais aussi la manière dont les différents acteurs de ce domaine spécifique de la politique du pays ont fait évoluer cet héritage pour répondre aux dilemmes posés par l’émergence de nouvelles menaces dans un contexte de réduction des dépenses de l’Etat et d’incertitude stratégique. / Soon after he was elected leader of the Conservative Party in 2005, David Cameron signalled his intention to implement a foreign policy based on ‘liberal Conservative’ principles. Cameron distanced himself from the realism that had guided the choices made by Margaret Thatcher and John Major in the aftermath of the Cold War. Therefore, he associated the defence of national interests, as well as the preservation of Britain’s role in the world, to the revival of the liberal tradition. However, he also insisted on the difference between his approach and the excesses of Tony Blair’s interventionism after 2001. The Conservatives, who were part of the Coalition Government that took office in May 2010, rejected the idea of strategic shrinkage, in spite of the existing gap between their ambitions and the limited resources they could allocate to security policy. Through the analysis of two case studies – the signing of the Lancaster House Treaties on 2 November 2010, and the 2011 military intervention in Libya – this thesis examines the factors that influenced the decisions made by the new government, as well as the mechanisms that led to them. By adopting an interpretivist perspective on these events, the thesis studies the traditions, that is to say the historical inheritance that formed the background of the government’s actions, but also the way the various actors involved in that specific area of policy modified that inheritance to respond to the dilemmas created by the emergence of new threats in a context of cuts in government spending and strategic uncertainty.

The subject of this thesis is The Conservative Party and its use of political marketing. The text analyzes how the Party responded to three subsequent election defeats in 1997, 2001 and 2005 and to what extent are the Conservatives utilizing political marketing methods and techniques in reaction to the pressure from their more market oriented competitor, the Labour Party. Since the rebranding of the Labour Party under Tony Blair, the Conservatives were struggling to adapt to the new reality. Instead of utilizing political marketing and being more responsive to the wishes of the electorate they diverged their polities more to the right. However, their incumbent leader, David Cameron, is transforming the Party and making it more market oriented. These efforts are critically analyzed.

The aim of master's thesis "Attitudes to the UK membership in the European Union (1993- 2016)" is to analyse the individual theoretical and political attitudes towards the UK membership in the European Union. In particular, the thesis focuses on the period after the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, during the governments of Conservative Prime Minister John Major (1990-1997), Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997-2005) and Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron (2010-2016), who called a referendum on "Brexit" in 2016. Since the beginning of its membership in the EU, the United Kingdom has been more inclined towards an intergovernmental approach and worried about the delegation of power to supranational authorities as well as federalist tendencies. Due to the large number of approaches and theories related to the European integration, the thesis will focus in detail on federalism theory, to which the United Kingdom has always strongly defined itself, contrary to the model of multilevel governance that characterizes the current political system in Britain. In the past, the British political system was based on the so-called Westminster model, however, since the 1980s it has gradually transformed into a model of multilevel governance. The core of the thesis is to classify the relations...

The aim of the master thesis is to deal with the specific bond between the USA and the Great Britain - by Winston Churchill defined as a special relationship - which connects the both countries based on their common history, language and culture or on their common threat. The special bond then further leads and helps to close cooperation and support in between the USA and the Great Britain. The era the thesis is concerned with begins at the very end of the Cold War when the common enemy was defeated and it was claimed that the special relationship is supposed to vanish as well. It then ends with the term of David Cameron who was later succeeded by Theresa May. The work further focuses on the three significant British premiers - John Major, Tony Blair and David Cameron and the description of their attitude to the relationship with European Union and more importantly to the USA, as the references about the special relationship appear further in their speeches. The subject of my analysis are the speeches of individual statesmen and the fact how exactly they perceive the Great Britain in the international system. Whether the Great Britain should accept its role in the European Union or rather deepen its bond with the USA on the contrary.

The thesis is focusing on commercial diplomacy in the United Kingdom of Great Britain during the coalition government of David Cameron between 2010 - 2015. In globalized world, where the commercial diplomacy is done by not only state actors but also private ones, management of commercial diplomacy as well as priorities and strategies play crucial role. The Thesis analyses structure of the system and includes case study of British commercial diplomacy in the Czech Republic. Based on theoretical acknowledgments we can evaluate the of British Commercial Diplomacy in the reporting period which was affected by economic crisis.

The thesis focuses on the British approach to EMU fiscal rules. Theoretical and conceptual framework is based on the theory of differentiated integration dealing with a various forms of closer cooperation among EU Member States. The research is built on the theoretical approach as described by Frank Schimmelfennig, Dirk Leuffen and Berthold Rittberger. Authors provide an analysis of conditions of differentiated integration within the EU. The aim of this thesis is to answer the question of why the United Kingdom decided not to participate in the fiscal compact and, consequently, did not allow further differentiated integration within the treaties (which led to an arrangement outside the EU legal framework) while accepting the initial fiscal rules agreed in the 1990s as well as other crisis reforms of EU fiscal governance. The first part describes Maastricht and SGP fiscal rules and analyses both the UK's position within EMU and the SGP provisions applied to the UK. The next chapter examines the British approach towards both the SGP revisions and the Euro Plus Pact. The third part analyses the new fiscal compact and explains why the UK decided to use the veto. In conclusion, the thesis provides an answer to the research question as set down in the introduction.

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Syftet med följande undersökning var att analysera korrelationerna mellan valkampanjerna Britian Stronger In Europe och Vote Leave, Take Back Control i förhållande till retorikens tre element ethos (trovärdighet), logos (förnuft) och pathos (känslor). Utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys har valkampanjernas dokument, rapporter, affischer, tal och videoklipp analyserats för att presentera korrelationerna faktorerna emellan. Undersökningen kommer fram till att valkampanjen Britian Stronger In Europe och dess kampanjmaterial gick att korrelera till samtliga retoriska element, medan Vote Leave-kampanjen enbart gick att korrelera till ethos- och pathos-elementen. Anledningen till detta berodde på att Vote Leave-kampanjen inte utgick från något tillförlitligt material för att styrka sitt ställningstagande i relation till Storbritanniens medlemskap i EU, vilket var ett krav för att uppfylla logos-elementets kännetecken. Detta till trots, lyckades Vote Leave-kampanjen gå segrande ur den brittiska folkomröstningen med 52 % av rösterna gentemot Stronger In-kampanjens 48 %.

The diploma thesis named British reaction to the Arab Spring events in the context of United Kingdom's relations with Persian Gulf countries is concerned with an impact of the revolutionary events of 2011, known as the Arab Spring, on bilateral cooperation between United Kingdom on one side and Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman on the other. While using quantitative analysis approach, it depicts how the Persian Gulf developments were reflected by prominent British representatives and members of the Cameron coalition government. Since the government promised to approach foreign policy matters through a liberal-conservative lens and also planned to further deepen its relations with Persian Gulf countries, the Arab Spring events can be interpreted as a clear dilemma for British policymakers. This thesis aims to answer whether such dilemma forced the government officials to re-asses the traditionally warm attitudes towards Persian Gulf and additionally, it demonstrates which spheres of their cooperation were threatened the most. Firstly, the bilateral relations between United Kingdom and Persian Gulf countries between 1971 and 2010 are described. Then, the focus moves towards the Cameron coalition government and its foreign- policy aims. In its final part, the thesis focuses on British...